A scurrilous letter to Pope Paul III

A Scurrilous Letter to Pope Paul III

A Transcription and Translation of Ms 469 (f.101r – 129r) of the Vadianische Sammlung of the Kantonsbibliothek of St. Gallen

by Br Paul Hanbridge OFM Cap


This study introduces a transcription and English translation of a ‘Letter’ in VS 469. The document is titled: Epistola invectiva Bernhardj Occhinj in qua vita et res gestae Pauli tertij Pont. Max. describuntur. The study notes other versions of the letter located in Florence. It shows that one of these copied the VS469, and that the VS469 is the earliest of the four Mss and was made from an Italian exemplar. An apocryphal document, the ‘Letter’ has been studied briefly by Ochino scholars Karl Benrath and Bendetto Nicolini, though without reference to this particular Ms. The introduction considers alternative contemporary attributions to other authors, including a more proximate determination of the first publication date of the Letter. Mario da Mercato Saraceno, the first official Capuchin ‘chronicler,’ reported a letter Paul III received from Bernardino Ochino in September 1542. Cesare Cantù and the Capuchin historian Melchiorre da Pobladura (Raffaele Turrado Riesco) after him, and quite possibly the first generations of Capuchins, identified the1542 letter with the one in transcribed in these Mss. The author shows this identification to be untenable. The transcription of VS469 is followed by an annotated English translation. Variations between the Mss are footnoted in the translation.

© Paul Hanbridge, 2010

(Updated layout and contents 19 November 2013)

Table of Contents

In August 1542, the renowned preacher Bernardino Tommasini, also called Ochino, the general superior of the fledgling Capuchin fraternity, fled Italy. The episode features in the first official accounts of the beginnings of the Capuchin Order. Among the earliest of these accounts that by Mario da Mercato Saraceno[1] enjoys a primacy and represents a foundational and traditional telling preserved by those who followed him in the task of telling the Capuchin story. An eye-witness to some of the events he described and as a former General Superior of the Order (1567-1573), his narrations enjoyed some authority. Therefore, the details of his account of Bernardino’s apostasy from the Order, from the Church in Rome and from Italy cannot be dismissed simply as the result of Mario’s hostile polemic, which is also evident in his text.

He tells of the time in September 1542 when he walked from the Capuchin friary of the Carcerelle[2] above Assisi to Camerino to meet with Paul III.

I could not find him in the apartments since His Lordship had gone out from Camerino, so I spoke with his head secretary. He told me the whole story and that (Ochino) had fled to Geneva. He spoke at length and even told me about a most wicked letter that the renegade Ochino had written to His Holiness, and which arrived just a few days earlier in Perugia where the Pope received it. The letter said very brazen, even diabolical things and lies about the Pontiff, things that would never be said even to the lowliest cleric on the face of the earth. No wonder. They were written by a heretic and dictated by the devil. They weren’t written with ink but with the filth from the mouth of the dog Cerberus, as they say. With these sorrowful details I returned to Padre Frate Eusebio. Lo and behold, not long after, the seals (of the Order) arrived to the aforesaid friar.[3]

Mario affirms the existence of Ochino’s nefandissima lettera to Paul III twice more in the same relatio.

Difficult and sad times began for us then. When (Ochino’s) flight took place, Paul III was in Perugia when he heard the news. A little later he received that brazen letter.[4]

And again,

His (Paul III as Cardinal) house had always been open to the Capuchin Friars and he grieved that a wicked person would have repaid him in this way for the greatest kindness always shown to Fra Bernardino (Ochino). Here he touched upon that most revolting letter that the wretch (Ochino) had written him. He said that no cleric would ever have been addressed in such a way.[5]

Bernardino da Colpetrazzo summarises these passages and reduces them to two.[6] In turn the passages are echoed by the later chroniclers in more or less the same form[7] while adding a rumoured motive attributed to Ochino’s actions, a rumour that had had some currency, that his hope to be made cardinal had not been realised.

If we accept that a key aim of these Capuchin chroniclers was to reconcile the scandal of Ochino’s departure with the Order’s claim to be a Catholic movement within a counter-Reformation environment, the consistent reference to Ochino’s letter cannot be a gratuitous and arbitrary embellishment to the story. The intended readership of these accounts included friars, ecclesiatics and laity of all ranks. General knowledge about the existence of this letter was taken for granted by the Capuchin ‘chroniclers’. Furthermore, their accounts suggest that the existence of Bernardino Ochino’s letter intensified the pope’s hostile reaction to the Capuchin friars on the news of the absconder’s defection to Calvinist Switzerland.

The editor of the Monumenta Historica Ordinis Capuccinorum vol I-VII, following Cesare Cantù, identified Ochino’s letter with a copy found in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana.[8] Therefore the letter deserves some attention. Here I shall present a transcription and English translation of the letter.

Manuscript copies

In his work on Italian heretics, where he considered the teaching of Bernardino Ochino, Cesare Cantù noted a letter attributed to Bernardino Ochino and written against Pope Paul III. Cantù located a manuscript copy of the letter kept in the Biblioteca Laurenziana in Florence. The tone of this polemical letter was so rabid, Cantù notes, that it even embarrassed Johannes Sleidan, the famous Protestant Reformation chronicler and polemicist. Cantù neatly summarised its contents:

Since the pope had condemned his works, Ochino attacks him – not because he hoped to correct an octogenarian, but to prove to the world that Paul was not a real pontiff but a creation of the devil. He begins with Paul III’s life from the time of his youth when he poisoned his own mother and managed to avoid a trial. Then follow all kinds of rape and lust perpetrated against named individuals. The author attributes many acts of murder to Paul who, to defend himself, had his accomplices executed, imprisoned or banished. His election was a smarmy affair. The letter then continues with acts of simony, the corruption of cardinals, the sale of offices, rapes and injustice. His governorship could not be any worse. Paul is to blame for the misdeeds and final end of Pier Luigi. Then Paul is responsible for Michelangelo’s painting of the final judgement in the Sistine Chapel. The picture, according to the author, would go better in an ale house. Above all, the letter accuses him of astrology and sorcery and waxes large on this point to show how both human and divine reason forbid the deliberate involvement of demons in human activity as Paul III used to do. It was because of his deals with the devil that Paul managed to be elected pope. Therefore his election was invalid and the princes are exhorted to depose him.[9]

The manuscript copy of the letter in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurentiana[10] bears the heading: “Letter of Br. Bernardino to P.P. Paul III.”[11]

In 1874 Karl Benrath published his transcription of that Ms[12] and was unaware of the existence of other Ms copies.[13] Two passages are deliberately omitted from the transcription so as not to offend the sensitivities of the reader.[14] Sixty years later, the Benedetto Nicolini noted Benrath’s transcription of the Laurenziana Ms[15] and again in 1959[16] where he indicated the existence of two other Ms copies of the Letter in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale in Florence.[17] The first of these is a copy of the Ms in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana[18]. The other[19] is a copy made from a Swiss Ms.[20] The Biblioteca Civica di Sangallo no longer exists as such, but a Ms version of the Letter is kept in the Vadianische Sammlung of the Kantonsbibliothek of St. Gallen.[21] A comparison of the Mss clearly shows that the St. Gallen Ms was the exemplar copied in Guicciardini 2-6-36 Ms. The St. Gallen Ms was also made, I believe, from an Italian exemplar.[22]

Therefore, for this study four copies of the Letter have been available to me and I will refer to them with abbreviations. The Ms in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana was copied by Benrath (herein Ben) and by Ms 2-6-35 of the Fondo Guicciardini in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze (G35); Ms 469 in the Vadianische Sammlung of the Kantonsbibliothek of St. Gallen (VS469); with its copy in the Fondo Guicciardini Ms 2-6-36 (G36).

Which is the earliest Mss of the four? Perhaps this question is misleading. In asking which is the oldest of Mss we want to know which is the closest to the original document, or which Ms used the oldest text. Not enough Mss are presently known to establish a satisfactory manuscript history and a critical edition. Among these four Mss, however, the oldest must be either the Laurenziana Ms or the VS469. Unfortunately none of the Mss carries a copy date or date of composition.

Benrath did not date the Laurenziana Ms but believed its script could be dated to the latter half of the Sixteenth Century.[23] The script used in VS469 can also be dated to as early as the mid-Sixteenth Century[24]. Its elegant handwriting would have been in use from around the time of Paul III’s death in 1549. Nor does Nicolini attempt to establish a composition date for either Mss. If the copy of the Ms VS469 predates the Ms in the Laurenziana, and if the copyist who made the Swiss Ms introduced fewer modifications to the text to reflect some personal views and the period in which he lived, and if his exemplar was similarly faithful to an exemplar closer to the original in the course of its production, then the Swiss Ms may be regarded as the ‘best’ of the Mss currently known. The Swiss exemplar and its Florentine copy also share another distinctive feature not found in G35 and Ben. Both VS469 and G36 begin with a dedication of the letter to Ascanio Colonna. The dedication to Ascanio Colonna, missing from G35 and the Laurenziana Mss, was part of the letter in 1558.[25] Finally, the adjective vecchio (old) in the subtitle of G36 lends weight to the view that VS469 is the oldest, and therefore probably the best of the Ms copies of the letter currently available. Therefore, I believe the VS469 to be the Ms closest to the original letter known at this time. For this reason I chose VS469 for transcription and English translation, as presented below.

Between G35 and VS469 there are some minor though distinct differences in content.[26] In a few places one Ms will have an extra paragraph not present in the other. Some references to older incidents are omitted in G35, suggesting that it is a later redaction, adding or deleting some material. A striking example of this is the aforementioned dedicatory preface addressed to Ascanio Colonna not present in G35 and the Laurenziana Mss. It is plausible that the letter underwent various redactions at the hands of different copyists.

Date and Authorship of the original Letter

Benrath searched for clues regarding the original date and authorship of the Lettera di Fra Berardino (sic) a P.P. Pauli III of the Laurenziana Ms. Since he doubted the possibility of finding other copies of the Letter he was obliged to identify oblique references to it in secondary sources to gauge the possibility of Ochino’s authorship.[27] The Catalogo Bandini[28] reports the Ms title of the letter.[29] The catalogue index also offers a biographical note about Bernardino Ochino as the author – a note that is very general, and replete with factual error.[30] While Benrath asserts that Ochino was not the author of the Letter, without any other Ms available for his consultation, he could not be certain about when the authorship of the letter had been attributed to Ochino, though he asserts that “there can be no doubt that the letter had come out under his name at some stage.”[31]

In 1558 Johann Sleidan[32] published a somewhat detailed and extensive reference to an Italian libellus by Bernardino against Paul III. He wrote:

Prius, quam decederet, libellus exiit Italicus, vehemens in illum atque gravis, titulo quidem Bernardini Ochini, sed ab aliis, uti creditur, compositus, cum praefatione ad Ascanium Columnam, quem ille profligarat.[33]

Sleidan summarises the letter “which would be too long to repeat.” His summary contains the same arguments as VS469, including reference to the dedicatory preface addressed to Ascanio Colonna. Obviously Sleidan was not merely remembering the contents of the letter. As in the letter itself, his summary was written in the second person. He chose not to reproduce the letter in its entirety but presented it in précis form. Sleidan did not just describe the contents of Letter. His note is also bibliographical and he must have carefully noted the contents of the Letter prior to or during the composition of his work. He notes that the libellus came out before Paul III had died. The Letter and Sleidan’s summary of it also refer to Paul III’s alienation of the papal cities of Parma and Piacenza in favour of his son Pier Luigi in 1545.[34] Therefore, assuming Sleidan’s note to be reliable, the libellus must have been published between 1545 and November 1549 when Paul III died.

As for the authorship Benrath again cites Sleidan to give substance to his belief that that the Letter’s tone is uncharacteristic of Ochino, who was not given to vicious ad hominem attacks. Ochino’s polemic focused on structures rather than personalities.[35] Tellingly Sleidan stated that the work was ‘composed by others, as is believed.’ In other words, according to Sleidan, Ochino was not considered to be the author at that time. Authorship was attributed to anonymous ‘others.’ Within the letter itself exist other anomalies which exclude Ochino as author. The author states that he is writing from the safety of Germany. If the letter came out just before to the death of Paul III, Ochino was already in England after leaving Basle on 4 November 1547 for England where he arrived on 20 December.[36] Furthermore, Benrath points out, Ochino was no longer ‘fra’ in 1549 and had not been since 1542.[37]

If Ochino was not the author, who was? According to Nicolini, Giovanni della Casa believed the author to have been the fugitive bishop of Capodistria, Pier Paolo Vergerio – a claim Vergerio firmly denied.[38] Vergerio left Italy in May 1549 and Paul III formally deposed him from his diocese of Capodistria (Kopel) on 3 July 1549.[39]

Finally, while Benrath was convinced that Ochino was not the author, he had no certainty about the identity of the author.[40] However he partially transcribed an Epistola de morte Pauli Tertii Pōt. Max. deque iis quæ ei post mortem ejus acciderunt. Anno MDXLIX, Mense Decembri, in lucem edita.[41] The matters this pasquinata raises are very similar to those in the Letter, and it adds even more accusations.[42] Benrath’s conclusion about the authorship?

Therefore, by way of conclusion, we are of the view that if the Letter came out under the name of Bernardino Ochino this was to cover it in anonymity and obscurity in which the author wanted to conceal his identity. The author was not beyond the Alps, nor in England, but in Rome, even perhaps a member of the Roman Curia.[43]

On the question of authorship Nicolini agrees with Benrath in excluding Ochino. The Letter “displays a torrent of abuse and obscenities against that pontiff. This fact alone would be enough to show that the letter is the work of someone else.”[44] He also notes that both Sleidan and Giovanni della Casa both doubt Ochino’s authorship of the text despite its title. Nicolini also notes Sleidan’s comment at the conclusion of his summary, “Many other things of this kind are contained in that libellus, a printed work still extant”[45] in 1558. Nicolini also identified an earlier clue about a publication date in a letter from Girolamo Muzio to Giuliano Gosellini[46] on 20 January 1550. In a post-script Muzio wrote, “I have been asked again about the Ochino letter against Paul III and I ask it again of your Lordship.”[47] Nicolini therefore conjectures that possibly the letter may have come to light in Milan or may have been distributed from there. However, this speculation cannot be substantiated. Significantly Muzio’s missive indicates that knowledge of the Letter already had some circulation by January 1550, barely two months after the death of Paul III.

At least one other specific opinion about the authorship of the Letter can be identified. Giovanni Bianchetti wrote to the same Giovanni Della Casa in 1549. In his letter Bianchetti believed the expelled bishop of Pavia (1530-1539), Giangirolamo De Rossi,[48] to be the author of a document against Paul III that circulated Rome in 1549 and that the document was attributed to Bernardino Ochino.[49] Bianchetti’s letter is dated 3 August 1549. Della Casa obviously did not accept that opinion, but plausibly Bianchetti’s letter further delimits the date of the invective document.

Therefore it would seem that the Letter came out a short time before the death of Paul III, namely between 1548 and before August 1549. Despite the early attribution of the letter to Bernardino Ochino in its title, at least some contemporaries considered this to be a fiction. Inconsistencies in the Letter itself, including its acrimonious and anarchic tone reinforce the conclusion that Ochino did not pen it. The Letter appeared in print according to Sleidan, but also circulated in Ms and has survived to this day in that format. As already demonstrated, of the four known Mss the oldest version appears to be that of VS469. So the certain identity of the author or authors remains unknown, and with a composition date at no earlier thab 1545, Melchior Pobladura’s identification[50] of this Letter with one Paul III received from Ochino in September 1542 cannot be correct.

This conclusion cannot exclude the possibility that the two letters were considered later to be one and the same. Mario da Mercato and Bernardino da Colpetrazzo did not know the precise contents of the Letter Paul III received from Bernardino in September 1542. Given the presumed loss of the Ochino’s August letter to Paul III, and the notoriety of the present Letter under his name, as well as the enduring notoriety of Ochino, the possibility cannot be excluded that the two documents may have assumed the same identity in the popular mind, even among Capuchins.

What is the “Letter”?

Of the Florentine Mss only the Laurenziana Ms and G35 titles the document a ‘letter’. In a more descriptive title G36 has “Evangelical Correction of Bernardino Ochino to Paul III, Roman Pontiff, copied from an old manuscript exemplar kept in the Biblioteca Civica of Sangallo.” The title of VS469¸ added later in another hand, and another language (Latin) also refers to the document as a letter: “An invective letter of Bernardino Ochino describing the life and deeds of Paul III, supreme pontiff.” However this title is taken from the dedication to Ascanio Colonna that also refers to “my letter for his correction.”[51]

The contents of the document clearly show that it was not primarily intended for Paul III in person only, if at all. Paul III is addressed in the second person throughout the document, a common enough literary or rhetorical device and genre. Unlike personal correspondence at the time, which usually bore the name of the name of the receiver and the date and place of composition, this document begins with a dedicatory letter addressed to Ascanio Colonna (signed with the name of its author as ‘Bernardino Ochino’). As an integral part of the document, this too is apocryphal. Obviously the text was meant to be read by people who were not Paul III. This intention is evident in the author’s appeal to the Christian princes and Carlos V to depose the Pope. The strident invective against the Pope that makes up the content of the Letter is meant to justify and implore their prompt intervention. Just as Bernardino Ochino was not the actual author of the Letter, possibly Paul III was not the intended and actual recipient.[52]

Whatever else the Letter may or may not be, it is a politically motivated diatribe against Paul III and the ascendency of the Farnese family, beginning with Giulia Farnese and Alexander VI. In a litany of accusations the document lists the vices and political machinations of Paul III and his family, with special mention of his eldest son, Pier Luigi. Exaggeratedly partisan, the author makes no effort to present a balanced portrait of the person and his pontificate – only a caricature composed of much pejorative hearsay, attributing to him the exclusive motives of self-gain and the aggrandisement of the family by treachery, corruption, nepotism, profiteering, murder, fraud and simony, while all the time ruled by his philandering, lechery and extravagance.

Chief among the accusations against Paul trumpeted in the letter was his ‘collaboration with the devil’ and defiance of Divine Providence in his reliance on astrology and various other forms of fortune-telling or divination. Of all Paul’s vices, his dependence on astrology receives the most prolonged attention. Since the Middle Ages astrology had gained popularity in Europe and was extensively practised in medical diagnosis,[53] agriculture, the military arts and political life. Astronomy and mathematics were associate disciplines in the service of astrology. By the beginning of the sixteenth century, royal and ducal courts employed astronomers, and Paul III was not novel or at all out of the ordinary[54] in his reliance upon astrologia iudicaria. Judicial astrology claimed to forecast future events by calculating the position of the planets and constellations in relation to the earth, and was considered a ‘practical application’ of astronomy.[55] However an identity crisis was emerging with the development of the science of astronomy whose vision of the cosmos will later discredit the predictive claims of judicial astrology. Astronomy will gradually come into conflict with astrology, though the distinction between them will take longer to be absorbed into popular culture. In fact, in 1543, while Paul III made use of divination, Nicholas Copernicus could also dedicate to him the publication of his De Revolutionibus orbium Coelestium. [56] That most of the Mss[57] in the Laurenziana codex containing the Letter deal with astronomy and astrology comes as no surprise. When that codex was bound the manuscript copy of the Letter was included because of what it had to say on the subject of astrology, rather than the pontificate of Paul III as such.[58]

As a kind of polemical political pamphlet the Letter is not directly concerned with matters of theology or spirituality, though the author does collect scriptural and patristic quotes in his repudiation of astrology. Nor is the Letter opposed to the papacy as such, but Paul’s exercise of the office. The Letter makes no attempt to be theologically speculative or didactic, but deliberately leaves such matters aside in its focus on ad hominem criticism.

Leaving aside the debate about whether you are universal Pastor or a mere Bishop, it is true in any case that by scandalising the world, as has been said, you are subject to the council. There is no need to talk about these things now and they can be left to their proper time and place. But you follow no other path than that of Astrology.

In its appeal to Christian princes at the end of Letter, it urges them to depose Paul III so as to defend the papacy:

For if you do otherwise the faithless Princes will take your place in order to correct you along with those who presuppose there is nothing higher than the council. (In justice you should corrected them). For a Jerome says, ‘The faith of Christ has not diminished as much under faithless Princes than it has had under those Princes who have professed their faith in words only, and then their actions have opposed to it.’

In the light of the plea to the princes the dedication to Ascanio Colonna is of particular interest. His impact on the history of Italy and the Church at the time deserves particular study. The presence of ‘evangelical’ or ‘spiritual’ figures, ‘circles’ and preaching in Italy, including Rome, has been studied in depth[59] – a presence that was often called ‘Lutheran’ in a general way because of characteristic emphases upon personal conversion, the primacy of grace and the study of the Scriptures, especially Paul’s Letters.[60] The actions of Ascanio Colonna in mid 1541 strongly suggested that the term ‘lutheran’ had expressions that were alarmingly close to home in Rome and socially concrete.

The reformation in Germany protested the involvement of Roman and Imperial interests within the growing political independence of a number of German princedoms. German princes adopted Martin Luther’s attempt at reformation within the church as an expression and endorsement of their political independence from the Pope and from the Emperor. The reformation in Germany was also a movement of social change that resulted in upheaval. In Catholic places, including Italy, the term ‘Lutheran’ often implied ‘anarchy.’ Within the social reform of the Lutheran German states (as was to happen also in England), Church properties were confiscated. Church affairs were administered locally. Taxes to Rome were abolished.

The Colloquy in Regensburg in 1541 was a critical moment for Europe in terms of politics and religion. The colloquy was an attempt to reconcile theological differences between the Lutherans and Rome, and in so doing also restore unity among the German Princes, and between them and the Emperor. The Protestant reformation threatened to disintegrate the Empire. Present at the Colloquy were the German princes and electors, Carlos V, the Papal Legate Gaspare Contarini, as well delegated protestant and Catholic theologians.

Two external events occurred during the assembly that underlined the urgent need for a reconciliation among the princes. News of the ‘Turkish’ siege of the twin cities of Buda and Pest in Hungary on the eastern frontier of Europe arrived with envoys who had come to seek military aid from the Emperor and Rome. The general economic difficulties faced by both Carlos V and Paul III meant that neither could afford a military expedition without the substantial help of the German princes. The latter, as already noted, were divided among themselves. Their political differences corresponded with their religious differences. Their disunity (if not indifference) seemed to leave the territorial integrity Christendom (the Church and the Empire) dangerously exposed.

Disconcerting news also arrived concerning the growing tension between Ascanio Colonna and Paul III.[61] Ascanio refused to pay the salt tax levied by Paul III. On 25 February 1541[62] Paul III issued a brief summoning Colonna to appear in Rome within three days to justify his actions. Ascanio withdrew to Genazzano.[63]

His refusal to acquiesce and his willingness to go war over the question would have appeared to be an expression of political revolt or anarchy within the very campagna Romana itself, similar to what had happened in many parts of Germany, but without a religious pretext. (The Letter attempts to provide that religious justification retrospectively.) His action must have alarmed Paul III and the Roman Curia, and also Carlos V. Anxious to contain political instability, Carlos V intervened personally to have conflict averted. Among others, he sought the mediation of Colonna’s sister, Vittoria.[64] But to no avail. Ascanio’s civil war ended quickly. The Colonna militia was defeated finally at Paliano by Pier Luigi Farnese in May. Paul III confiscated Colonna lands near Rome and Ascanio went into exile.[65]

Meanwhile the Regensburg talks resulted in agreement over the doctrine of double justification authored by Contarini. However the princes remained in deadlock and the colloquy ended in a stalemate. Contarini’s diplomatic approach was reprimanded in the Consistory and his doctrine of double justification was rejected by some Cardinals, as was the ‘tolerance’ his conciliatory approach with the Lutherans. A kind of defensive intransigence which would characterise some elements of the Counter-Reformation had begun to gain the ascendency in the Consistory. The following year,[66] Paul III instituted a strengthened Roman Inquisition to oversee the pro-active suppression of heresy on the peninsula.

The dedication to Ascanio at the beginning of the Letter is not merely an addendum. The dedication is part of the logic of the document. In calling the Christian princes to arms, the significance of the example of Ascanio would not be lost on them. Not only would the letter evoke these events but perhaps too the relationship between Ascanio and his ‘instructor’[67] Bernardino Ochino. Ascanio remained in contact with him both before and after Ochino’s departure from Italy as has been described elsewhere.[68]

One may also ask why the letter was attributed to Bernardino Ochino. This is not the only document in circulation after 1542 to appear under his name, and whose authorship is doubtful.[69] There is no certain answer to this question at this time, only speculation. Yes, publishing the Letter under Ochino’s name would have preserved the anonymity of the real author or authors. But why Ochino’s name instead of another? Perhaps his reputation lent greater authority to the Letter. Or perhaps to grieve Paul III more intimately – that such unrestrained, scandalous material should come from an old friend.[70] Or perhaps the author may have had these things in mind while presenting another example of someone who was seen to have rebelled against the alleged injustices of Paul III.[71]

What letter did Paul III receive from Ochino in Perugia in 1549 and which Mario da Mercato Saraceno mentioned thirty years later in his third relation? (This relation was commissioned in 1580.) We can be sure that in September 1542 Paul III did not receive the Letter presented in this study. However, on 10 October 1542[72] Ochino published a small work addressed, at least rhetorically, to the Pope in Rome.

It is known that he will be a man, not a devil, even though the devil will govern him. Nor will he be gentile, Jew, Turk or Moor. He will be Christian in name and will come from our midst, otherwise he could not deceive Christians easily. Indeed, he will be a priest. He will be a priest so that he may be believed, and he will be the first. Hence Paul says in 2 Thes 2: “he will be seated in the church of God.” Saint Jerome, on Zacharia, says that he will be seated in Rome… In his hypocrisy he will want to be called Servant of the servants of God…He will want to be called “santissimo” and “beatissimo” [pontifical titles]… even the Emperor will have to kiss his feet [an expression generally used to express reverence for the pope]… he will be attentive to engrandise his family and make it wealthy and establish it … I have depicted you partly …”

At the conclusion of the Imagine di Antechristo Ochino addresses Paul III “Io te l’ho in parte depinto”.[73] This personal note, along with the almost immediate publication date of the sermons in Geneva,[74] lend some weight to the notion that perhaps the Imagine could have been written with Paul III in mind while Ochino was still in Italy. Therefore it is plausible that the Imagine di Antechristo mirror the intentionally deprecatory letter to which Mario da Mercato Saraceno[75] or may have been the very letter itself. And since this letter was published, it is also quite possible that the author of the 1549 Letter knew it.

Mario indicates that the letter Paul III received in Perugia provoked his angry reaction not only to the refugee but also the Order of which Ochino was the principal representative.[76] Which letter did the Capuchin chroniclers know? Mario da Mercato Saraceno did not see the 1542 letter but only heard about it. Did he see the letter published among Bernardino’s Sermons? Did Mario and Bernardino da Colpetrazzo see the Letter published and circulated in 1549? Here again one can only reply with plausible hypotheses that cannot be verified with known documentary evidence. One thing is apparent from a comparison between the letters of 1542 and 1549. The sharp, concise critique published in 1542 more closely reflects Ochino’s mind – as do his other extant letters from the time more closely at the time of his flight from Italy – than does the apocryphal and excorciating harangue of 1549. The Capuchins would have had no access to the 1542 letter, but it is possible that the friars and their chroniclers knew much more about the 1549 Letter. If that be the case, one wonders what shaping influence the 1549 document may have had when the friars came to interpret retrospectively Ochino’s mind and motives at the time of his departure. It would seem that Bernardino already had vehement critics among the friars even at that point in time.[77] The defection of other Capuchins[78] and the period of severe damage control,[79] survival apologetic and consolidation under Francesco da Iesi and Bernardino d’Asti also shaped the official interpretation of events, all of which were aimed a distancing the Capuchin Order and the story of its origins from any formative influence of Bernardino Ochino. The need to do so was still felt in 1580 (Mario’s third Relatio) and 1585 (Colpetrazzo’s Cronaca).

Historical value?

Benrath observed rather generically that “the letter contains many things of uncommon importance for the history of the life and times of that Pope.”[80] Given the unbalanced and blatantly prejudiced character of the Letter, it cannot suffice as a primary source regarding his res gestae. The assertions and accusations in the Letter would each need to be corroborated and balanced against other primary sources. The aim of the author or authors, I believe, was to radically discredit Paul III for politically vindictive motives.

This does not mean that the document has no historical value. It can serve as a primary source in other ways. For example, it bears indisputable witness to the complex and ambiguous mix of religion and politics in Italy at the beginning of the Council of Trent. Although the Letter does not offer a religious or political panorama, it is a window, albeit a small, narrow one onto that scene. While opinionated and scurrilous, the text is one contemporary viewpoint, and no doubt representative of some issues, rumours, opinions of the period.

The complexities, uncertainties and ambiguities in the groundswell of Church and social reform in Italy on the eve of the Council of Trent was simplified in polarised interpretations of events so characteristic of the Counter-Reformation, in a process of simplication, and a desire for and imposition of unity in uniformity. Undertsandably traditional Capuchin history writing, expressed in the officially commissioned chronicles, bears these Counter-Reformation characteristics, including a certain intransigence and explicit hostility towards tolerance. However the birth and early years of the Capuchin reform were part of the situation in Italy, and not a separate entity. To better understand those beginnings, it is necessary to remove the filters of Counter-Reformation retrospective, and transcend a history of ideas and ideals – even though such an appraoch may have its own valid usefulness – in attempt to know something of the existential drama of the protagonists. Inevitably the complexity and ambiguity of Capuchin beginnings will also re-emerge. But hopefully the mutal ad hominem caricature evident on all sides of the European religious divides of the time may give way to a more compassionate, truthful and realistic appraisal of such persons as Bernardino Ochino and Paul III, and perhaps help to avoid the kind of extremes evident in this Letter.


Epistola invectiva Bernhardj Occhinj in qua vita et res gestae Pauli tertij Pont. Max. describuntur [101r] [blank 101v]

ALLO ILLU|STRISSIMO ET ECCEL|LENTISSIMO SIGNOR IL| Signor Ascanio Collona| .S. OSSmo [102r] [blank 102v]

La Eccell.V. ha da sapere che al principio della tribulatione mia recevuta da Papa Paolo terzo, per la quale fui costretto (per sicurezza della vita mia) ridurmi in questi paesi di Germania Io composi alcuni sermoni et altre operete: le quali non mancavano punto di quel debito, che all’huomo christiano, & catholico si cõviene: come in esse chiaramente si pò vedere. Et non dimeno con molte prohibitioni & escomuniche intesi che dal Papa in Italia tosto fortio [?] vietate à ciascuno: di tenerle & legerle la qual cosa mi parve tanto fuori del ragionevole, massimamene vedendo che non contento di tribularmi, si andava à camino di perseguitare anchora le cose mie: che sino all’hora mi disposi comporre questa mia Epistola per correttione di esso non dimeno considerando poi tra me stesso, per l’offitio del buon Religioso, che piu convenenvole fosse, senza por mano al primo colpo all ultimo, & piu potente rimedio contro lo infermo, espettare qualche tempo per vedere se con el pentirsi delli errori passati e gli facesse quello che se le conveniva per il che determinai di soprasedere la publicatione di essa sino ad hora ma conosciuto di [103r] poi per vera esperienza, una impenitenza finale della vita di questo huomo, con lo haver peggiorato ogni giorno piu le azzioni, & costumi soi: & che la intentione sua non era divina, come doveria essere, ne humana, ne di fera, ma di un pessimo, & sfrenato demonio, mi sono determinato, in ogni modo di publicarla al pnte piu per salute di chi la leggerà, che per frutto che lhuomo possi sperare di penitenza, da esso aggiogendoli tutte le altre sue scelleraggine fatte da quel tempo in qua. Ne sappendo io lo intenso rancore & amaritudine che e gli contra ogni debito, porta alla Eccell. V. & alla Illma sua famiglia, ho pensato potere indrizzare queste mie fatighe ad altra persona meglio che à lei, per molti rispetti, ma molto più per consolarla, accio che ella vedendo da cui riceva persecutione, maggiormente si confermi nella vera & ottima bonta sua: & si tenga viè piu grato à Dio, quanto che patisce maggior travaglio, da cosi da cosi abominevole, & reprobo soggetto. dico in ogni maniera di peccato. Impero si degni riceverle ricervele con lieto animo: & con l’ombra sua farle scudo, ricoprirle &, difenderle dai venenosi morsi di chi, se li volesse contrapporre, alla quale prego quel che solo il puo fare che li doni quella felicita, che ella istessa desidera.

DI V. Illma & ECCma S.|Humile Servitore.| Berrardino Occhino. [103v]

CORREZZIONE EVANGELI|ca di berrardino occhino|a Paolo Terzo Pontifice Romano.

Ingiustissimo & iniquissimo patre & indebitamente detto pastore universale: se non quanto Iddio ha permesso, con la malizia et persecutione tua, raffinare li eletti suoi, & punire con questo mezzo é peccati de popoli: ho intesso le prohibitioni da te fatte à, chi leggera le cose mie, & pche p la iniquità che inte regna, mi e prohibito hora poter parlare con viva voce, in quelle parti a quelli, p li quali nelle predicationi & orationi mie, ho affaticato semp¯ (il che assiduamente ancor faccio) non ho voluto rimanere di non publicar questa mia lettera p far prima verso di te l’uffitio della debita correzzione, & poi la escusatione mia con utile de buoni, quantunq quantunche io habbia poca speranza, che un vecchio otta ottuagenario, resusciti dalla mala, & perversa vita tenuta sin qui, & poi pche tu revochi tali prohibitioni, come indebite, ò vero non potendo cio ottenere, che almeno p me si confermino in q’lle parti gli animi delli servi di Iesu Christo nel ben vivere, partendosi dalle false tue dottrine, & de tuio seguaci, & per cio fare, mi è paruto ragionevole [104r] incominciare prima dalli principij della vita tua, seguendo l’ordine di essa sino, à questi tempi: accio si conosca come ben corrispondi in essa il detto principio con el mezzo, & il fine di essa, dal che potrà poi giudicar ciascuno, se da spirito diabolico o divino sei statto elletto, à quella degnita, & di tal uffitio non ho potuto mancare per il debito del buon Christiano, massimamente hora che ono [sic] in luogo securo: accio che se non in tutto in parte, al meno per me si dichiarino à ciascuno le insidiose & piene di malitie dottrine tue p difensione, & scudo di quelli che seguano la verita. quali p quanto vagliano le forze mie, potranno conoscer p questa mia lettera, come posseno, indrizzandosi à Dio, schifare le tue falsità giudicando chiaramente se la vera charita, amore, pieta, & fede, che fu in Pietro, è in te, per chagione delle quali cose hebbe preminenza sopra li altri apostoli sopra la qual cosa, hora non indendo intendo di raggionare lassano cio al tempo suo: in caso che li principi Christianj vogla vogliano che in log luogo sicuro, & da persone intelligenti, & libere, liberamente p le utile della vera chiesa, de Dio si possa parlare, di che tosto se ne avederemo: ne pensaro, con questo modo passare el termine del bon relligioso: p che come [104v] dice Paolo, chi pecca pubblicamente come tu fai pubblicamente, é nella chiesa di Dio di riprendere, e con el parlare é con el scrivere, il che osservó Hieronimo contra vigilantio, & contra Giovanni Hierosolimitano riprendendoli de suoi peccati, con le Epistole sue pubblicamente, di che ne fanno anchora fede quelle che egli scrisse contra elvidio, & contra Ruffino, & Pelagio, dicendo egli nella Epistola contra Giovanni Hierosolimitano, & che contra li uomini perversi, & publici peccatori non e, da fingere, ma ostarli senza alcuna indugia in publico, e in segretto per castigarli: concio sia che le tue enormità scandalizzando troppo el mondo, in pregiuditio della fede di Christo per il che letta questa giascuno potrà poi vedere, quanta auttorità (non dico alla chiasa [sic] di Dio quale sempre intendo eccettuata no potendo ella gia mai, p la parola sua mancare) ma alle cose tue, dal vero ordine in tutto pervertire si debba, p il li elletti di Jesu nostro salvatore attribuire, & quantunche paia che á supremi magistrati non possino essere giudicati, & ripresi, dalli inferiori ne che la loro auttorita cessi, anchor ancor che fossimo trasgressori della legge, dico questo esser vero, quando [105r] non pervertono la fede, e la legge, é precetti di Christo, ma quando in cio mancano, & sono scandalo privato, & publico, come tu in ciascuna azzione chiaramente come fece Paolo à Pietro resistendoli in faccia publicamente sonno da essere non solo ripresi, ma riprovati da ciascun bon Christiano: essendo noi tutti membri, servi, gente elletta, & regal sacerdotio, in Christo, appresso del quale non é accettatione di persona. Et avanti che à ciò fare io venghi: usero quel detto di Giovanni, cioè, Anticristo, è venuto et molti antichristi p causa tua hoggi si veggiano nella chiesa impero io prego à imitatio’e di Paolo à Thesalonicensi é buoni christiani, che p le opere tue perverse, & de tuoi seguaci, non si voglolio vogliano porre in terrore alcuno, ne manchare della vera fede et frutti suoi che sono le giuste operationi: per questo confidando nello spirito de Dio: il quale da lui ci fu promesso infallibilmente che havessi à rimanere con li suoi elleti eletti in eterno: et che sempre ne rendessi testimonio che siamo suoi figliuoli; & coeredi: il quale è da credere che ti habbi voluto sostenere, & sostenga al mondo per confusione [105v] di te stesso principe d’ogni cattività, & come e detto per gloria dei buoni, accioche con grande utile della fede sua. tanta tua iniquità sia poi tolta via al suo luogo e tempo essendo cosa verissima, che quelli e qualj vorranno vivere con Jesuchristo, per essere piu potenti nel mondo li cativi hanno da patire diverse persecutioni, per essere massimamente queste prosperita mondane da Dio permesse per confusione, & esterminatione de chi, indebitamente le usa, come tu. Onde è da credere che egli tosto con la sua immensa virtu occiderà te falso, & venenoso serpente, con lo spirito della bocca sua: distruggendoti con tutta la tua corrotta & maligna progenie: & seguaci, falsi profeti, & seduttori: che hai appresso. Imperò per la passione di Christo prego ciascuno, che seguiti il vero camino della salute: & che non si rimova punto dal suo proposito perseverando in aumento della fede, & gloria di Jesu nel suo evangelio à noi notificato, con el vero, & infallibil testimonio de suoi santi Apostoli quali come dice Giovanni, ellesse mietitori del seme sparso dalli santissimi Patriarchi, & Profeti, per ciò che egli ci darà sempiterna pace, & riposo al suo loco, & tempo no’ patirà la verga di te iniquo pastore lungamente si non quanto egli prenda frutto, & essercitarsi sopra de giusti et elletti suoi, li quali con la sua for[106r]tezza, sustenta sempre, & non permetterà che restino gia mai confusi, aitando la debolezza loro. pcioche egli ha ordinato sin al principio che e suoi fideli no habbino maggior persecutione di quello che possano sostenere ma che ogni cosa, come vero principio, mezzo, & fine, conservatore, & dottore de tutto in cui, per cui, & á cui sono ordinate tutte le creature resulti in gloria sua.

Tornando adunq3 la alla materia nostra per descrivere la vita tua falso pontefice, dico che molto ben si sa che in tua giovinezza da Papa Innocentio Cibo foste incarcerato per dui homicidij, & per la morte della tua matre, che avvelenasti facendo di poi affogare crudelissimamente quel servitore che era consapevole di cio (cosa veramente impia in ogni età, & in ogni maniera di huomini: per la qual cagione essendo tu poi fuggito del castello per mezzo di quel bonbardiero, & di quel Prete che portò le corde, da te cosi mal remunerato, non ti havendo potuto il Papa dar la morte, come meritavi, Cibo hora Cardinale per la perfida natura tua, saviamente dubbita, che la vendetta non risolva sopra di lui, conoscendoti sommamente vendicativo: é però cautamente ti fugge. Di poi ti dei ricordare con che arti pervenisti alla dignità del Cardinalato. della quale [106v] il Collegio tutto ti riput ributto tre volte: ma have’do di poi tua sorella Madonna Julia Fernese, mandato un piatto di maccaroni alla Romanesca a Papa Alessandro, & mandato li à dire che proprio era un maccarone, à lassarsi in cio contradire da Cardinalj; giurando non voler più andare dove egli fosse, nel consistoro venente, potendo più l’appetito, che la raggione in lui, indebitamente: ti creò Cardinale p ilche havêdo tu (come è detto) per le honor del mondo, uccisa la matre, non ti doveva poi per ascendere ad alcuna degnita esser lecito condure la tua sorella sotto quel Pontefice, have’do prima, & di poi, gustato tu ancora dell acqua istessa di quel Farnesio fonte.

Ne dovevi ancor tenere inimititia con el S. Renzo da Ceri, quando portavi Cardinale el cappuccino fonderato di maglia pche havesse avelenato q’ll’altra tua sorella, quale gli faceva all’uso della casa tua, poco honore, & ti dei ricordare ancora del stupro, & ingan’o che comettesti in Ancona, quando eri legato della Marca, al tempo di Papa Julio nel la Madre di P. Luigi: con dargli ad intendere essere, un gentiluomo parente del Legato: fingendo con li testimoni falsi di sposarla travestito: talche segretamente la notte poi nelle faccende essendoti cadduta la cuffia, di capo, et ella havendo tocco [107r] con mano, la chierica Cardinalesca, rimase cõ infiniti stridi tutta sconsolata, laqual cosa fu cagione della psecuzione che facesti a Ravenna, pche havendo egli fatto impicare alcuni parenti suoi, lo trattastj poi per vendetta come ognuno sa. ricordandoti ancora che in castello. S. Angelo quando Cle. VII. vi era priggione Il Cardinale de Ancona suo zio, in presentia del Papa ti disse che eri membro putrido della chiesa: per esser all’hora Cardinale, della maniera gia detta; & per haver uccisa la matre et un tuo nepote, per haver tutto lo statto de Farnesi, di che volendoti processar Papa Julio, ad intercessione del Cardinale di .S. Sabina fosti liberato. le quali ingiurie tutte le hai ricordate al Nepote et alla casa sua: togliendoli Nepe indebitamente. Ancora ti devi ricordare di quel scelestissimo atto, quando el .S. Nicolo da la Rovere, ti trovo alle strette con la S. Laura Farnese tua Nepote carnale, sua moglie in Gallese: correndoti adosso con un pugnale, tal che egli ti feri nella gola, dove ancora à chi vi guarderà bene, ne apparisce el segnale.

Et gli spessi concubiti tuoi con la dilettissima figliola Constanza, che per appariti più bella, non soleva perdonare a lisci, per causa della quale, et per poter meglio godervi insiema, avelenasti Bosio [107v] Sforza suo marito, che se era aveduto dell’antica vostra pratica, et per cio in vita nel suo viso rade volte si vidde mai aluna allegrezza: con tutto che fosse genero di un pontefice, et in tanta felicita. Deve ti ancora sovvenire delle tante simonie, che in cardinalato hai fatto, con ogni sorte di gente: di che ne fà fede la vendita di qual priorato in Spagna a Lodovico Torres Spagnolo, et molte altre che al S. Antonio dalla Rovere, et all’Arcivescovo di Benevento suo fratello, hai fatte, & con altri ancora, le quali per esser tante &, si note, alla Corte Romana, & al mondo, mi piace hora di omettere, per venire à quello che più importa.

Et in questo luogo si fà inanti la ingratitudine che usasti a Clemente tuo predecessore: quale assediato in castello, havendoti elletto per legato all’Imperatore per la sua liberatione, & havendolo tu posto prima alla taglia di non volervi andare, se non admetteva la renuntia del Vescovado di Parma, in Farnese tuo Nepote prima all’hora dietà di dieci anni, fu cosi sollennemente da te agabato, perche in Genova poi ti fingesti infermo, per lassar con buona carita, & et contra el dovere [108r] della legge Christiana, perir el tuo superiore in carcere, per esserle in anti al tempo successor suo con male arti.

Ne per hora entro nel pellago immenso della tua sfrenata lussuria, essercitata assai più che quella di M. Antonio, Com’odo el Heliogabalo: di che se ne vedono manifesti segni: per gli tanti figliolj occulti, & palesi, che tu hai, quali tutti saprei nominare se volesse, ma per buon rispetto li taccio temendo per esserne alcuni Cardinali date [sic] creati, non ti siano successori.

Ma dimmi malvagio Pastore par ti chel fusse cosa da Christiano, quando Clemente ti lasso legato in Roma, per farti la piazza inanti alla casa, rovinar tante case, & non ne pagare alcune. del che non contento ancora, nel pontificato, hai con quella furia di latino Juvenal, & co’ il Boccaccio Fiorentino distruttori de poveri, per allargarti meglio, quasi che distrutta mezza Roma con immenso danno di mille persone povere: che per tal causa vaño mendicando, & si sono morti con le lor famiglie. imitando in ciò Nerone distruttore della patria sua quale per far più bella la casa, [108v] usò anche egli simel crudeltà la quale veramente si pò accompagnar’ con quella che tu usasti à quel povero tuo servitore, che tanti anni ti haveva servito, nel cardinalato, chiamato el Bian Binca da Parma, quale facesti indebitamente uccidere, & forsi secondo alcuni, de tua mano lo facesti, di che cacciandoti el Cardinale Salviati per lalite [sic] della Abbatia di Tola di Piace’za in criminale, facesti tanta esclamatione co’ Clemente: tal che per bontà sua, la cosa non passò più avanti. essendo già per tal conto Giulio de grandi tuo intimo servitore prigione quale tosto fù rilassato p bonta di quel Papa. cosa che tu contra alcuno Cardinale no’ haveresti fatto, o altro Prelato ricco.

Et qui passo la imensa avidatà [sic] che sempre disordinatamente havesti del Pontificato, particandolo [sic] cosi sfacciatamente come el minor peccato, che habbi. non ti ricorda’o [sic] delle riprensioni che sopra di cio hai fatto a molti Cardinali: essendo che tu insensato vecchio, hai introdutto più de altri questa usanza, in quel colleggio: ma non passo già quel notabil detto di santi quattro vecchio: quale per haver tu impregionato Pierluigi in Ronciglione, perche no’ voleva amettere Ranuccio tuo figliuolo alla successione dello statto, non trovando egli verso per indurti [109r] merce della solita crudeltà & ostinatione tua à rilassarlo, ti disse. Monsignore q’sta cosa vi leva el pontificato, quia si in figlio filio3 hoc quid in alios laddove tosto egli per questo fù rilassato dal carcere.

Et in tal proposito mi sovviene quel detto del Cardinale d’Araceli, quando é sciocchi Cardinali ti volsero pur ellegger Papa, al tempo di Adriano: dicendo egli guardate Signori, quello che fate, che io l’ho confessato sedici anni: di che se alcuni che si tenevano fanij [sic: savii] all’hora, fossero stati ricordevoli, no’ sarebbono di poi, incorsi nel secondo errore. ma Dio gli tolse il cervello, perche da te fiera bestia, havessero la penitentia delli loro gravi peccati, come già di essi la maggior parte l’hà ricevuta.

Sovviemmi ancora la immensa liberalità che usasti alla chiesa di Parma tua sposa, ove volendo tu cantar la prima messa, non ti vergognasti distaccar le arme del Cardenale Allessandrino. gia Vescovo di quella città del piu bel paramento che vi fosse, per non farne uno di novo come in simel solennità si usa di fare attaccandovi le tue.

Ma vedendo venendo alla conclusione dico che nelle scelleraggini hai superato Loth: perche s’egli dormi co’ le figliuole, no’ lo seppe, essendo ebriaco: ma tu [109v] con la figliuola, con la sorella, & nepote (come di sopra si dice) scientemente lo hai fatto più volte. Hai ancora superato David nel caso di Uria: pche di quello egli comj se ne fece penitentia, ma tu di Bosio non hai fatta alcuna, havendoti goduta tua figlia, & sua moglie molti anni.

Hai superato Caym: pche egli s’avvidde molto bene, del suo peccato. ma tu uccidendo la tua madre per l’honor del mondo, reputi non haver fatto nulla.

Hai ancora superato Absalon: perche per avidità del dominare pseguitò el padre, godendosi la sua concubina: ma tu con minor escusation’ facciattamente, hai sempre procurato el pontificato: & hai più de una volta usato co’ le carni tue, tal che p uccider p impudicitia (come dissi) tua madre, facesti noto al mondo aggevol cosa essere che tu fussi nato di adulterio, come è þprio della tua famiglia. Hai ancor superato Amon figliuolo di David, quale se bene strupro [sic] la sorella, li venne poi per abhominatione di tanto peccato, in odio. ma tu perseverando continuamente nel camino usato gia sei fatto incorrigibile. Hai ancor superato Ruben che maculo la concubina del padre, perche si vidde pur’ dopo la morte, & beneizzione [sic: benedizione] di Jacob: & per la buona successione sua, che non persevero [110r] come tu, nel mal fare. perche come dice il þfeta, parlando di Juda no’ è hoggi mai rimosto in Italia luogo, arbore, citta ne villa, che tu no’ habbi co’ publico, & grave scandolo co’taminato con la immensa tua lussuria, & pessima vita: non havendo riguardo, ne all’eta, ne alla conditione, & dignita tua. le quali cose oltre, come è detto, che sonno di scandalo publico, no’ meritano in te essus esscusatione alcuna: come fanno in quelli che in gioventù sua errano del che tosto Iddio si scorda mentre però no’ vi sia la perseveranza: percioche tu sel scellerato cosi pubblicamente hai in gioventù & vecchiezza peccato che molti per il tuo errore anzi tutta Italia ne rimane contaminata. Onde convenevolmente è da giudicare che come sei erroneamente falso vicario de Dio, cosi ancora perversamente osservi la dottri’a sua: imitando Salomone, che decrepito per compiacere alle sue concubine, si fece Idolatra: del che ne fa ampia testimonianza, la publica concubina, che in Fraschati hai sempre tenuta: da cui ne hai havuto nel tuo indegno Papato una figliola, et questo si dice accio no’ adducessi farlo, come si dice di David della sua Sunamite, per aiure in questa tua eta ostinata, & piu che mai perversa, la [110v] digestione dei tuoi mali humori: quali sonno tali, che hoggi mai hanno rovinato tutte le nobili famiglie d’Italia alla Chiesa suddite eccetto che una: allaquale per haver tu trovato un soggetto simile à te, hai perdonato, del che il Duca d’Urbino, inanzi che togliesse tua nepote p moglie. Colonnesi, Ursini, Baglioni, Varani, Rossi, Pallavicini, fanno fede: havendo no’ per altro che per instigatione della tua figliola Constanza, ruinato l’Abbate di Fanfara, & tolto Camerino à Urbino. se no’ per darlo à Ottavio: mancando delle promesse alli Varani, alli quali no’ contento di questa ingiuria, ne hai fatte delle altre che si tacciano, & li Rossi p instigatione della Laura Pallavicina, tua vecchia concubina, & li Colonnesi per l’ostaculo ti fece al tempo di Adriano el Cardinale Colonna al pontificato. & dove Christo si ci disse, noi dover lasciare el Padre, & la matre, gli figlioli, & le proprie case, & finalmête il mondo per seguir lui, co’ dechiaratione che altrimenti no’ potevano, conseguire el regno del cielo: tu no’ solo no’ hai osservato questo precetto, come quello che in ciò a glialtri doveresti dare essemplo, ma confondendo el Christiano nome per arricchire i, tuoi bastardi, & successori, generatione [111r] sino alla decima linea tanto esosa nella legge antiqua: no’ hai lassata alcuna sorte di sele scelleragginj à comettere, supportando tanti lor vitij abhominevoli, che hoggi mai hanno riempito el mondo d’intollerabil fetore. con darli ancora di quei titoli de quali per legge divina, ne humana sono capaci, ò meritevoli.

Et che dirremo di quella intollerabile sceleranza di .P. Luigi tuo figliolo, quale ammazzò cosi vittuperosamente quel santo, & dotto giovane del Vescovo di Fano, in quel modo che appena ardisco di pensare no’ che discriverlo essendo come dice Paolo che le brutte, & dishoneste parole corrompano é buoni costumi: & tu non solo lo hai tollerato, ma absoluto da tanto eccesso, & dallo havere con gli altri saccheggiata Roma sua patria, come sa il Vescovo di Cesena, & Jacobo Cortese, che ne fecero le minute quali dinanzj al’co’spetto de Dio (come participi di cio) sarano tenuti à rendarne conto, & della tua assolutione valerà quanto potrà. O, infelice, & insensato Pastore, no’ dovevi tu almeno per l’offitio tuo, imitare e figlioli d’Israel? alli quali come si vede nel Libro de giudici, tanto dispiacque, che é figliuoli [111v] di Beniamin havessaro morta la moglie del Levita, di effraim con la loro sfrenata lussuria, che pigliate le armi contro di loro tutti li amazzorono de ccc in fori.

Non ti dovevi ancor ricordare che Finees figliuolo di Elleazzaro meritò el sommo sacerdotio, per uccider Zambri con la sua Madianite in braccio, & placo con quel atto l’ira d’Dio, contra di lui commessa Oyhme [sic] no’ è, da credere che piu spiaccia à sua maesta divina quest’atto abhominevole che quello per il quale dimostrò tanta ira contra Pentapoli? Oyhme no’ era piu conveniente essendo tu Vicario di Dio uccidere questo falso mostro per mezzo della giustitia, che no’ solo assolverlo di tanta scelleraggine ma ancora di dignità; & ricchezza, ogni di più accrescerlo? donducendolo continuamente: p tutta Italia co’ grandissimo scandolo del prossimo tuo & finalme’te spogliando la Chiesa honorarlo di tittolo di Principe, & Duca di due cosi famose città, & honorate, le quali Dio col mezzo dell’honorata spada del conte Giova’ni Angosiola, no’ hà patito lungamente p la morte di cosi acerbo tiranno, che elle siano soggette à cosi indegna, & scelerata bestia: dandoti à vedere quello che in tu dovevi fare & che lasciasti la carne per l’ombra di essa, & che le tue prudenze sono tutte Carnali. [112r]

Sei ancor peggior che Acab: quale se bene uccise Nabot, per havere la vigna, come tu hai fatto p haver la robba di Ravena, & altri degni Prelati: si humiliò poi nel conspetto di Dio, & merito perdono. ma tu per havere la robba de Medici, & del Camerlingo, li facesti avelenare senza alcun pentimento della vita tua che (si possa vedere) Sei ancora peggiore di Abimalec quale ammazzo .lxx. fratelli p signoreggiarre, havendo tu p altrui robba fatto violenza à Francesco del Nero alla .S. Lucrezia Salviati, cacciandola co’ li sbirri fuora di casa sua. à Jacomo Baldutio, quale con quei tuoi carnefici Pierantonio da Cesena, & Alessandro Pallentero, che sono e tuoi vianesij, assassinasti, & al Vescovo di Como, all’Arcivescovo di Amalfe, à Francesco & Catelano Gallerati, à Paolo Serraglio co’ infiniti altri che p brevità taccio, & no’ pensi scellerato vecchio che Dio ti habbi a punire, come Corre quel contrasto con li superiori no’ volendo tu supportare p alcun modo esser sotto posto al Concilio; & con parole estrinsecamente facendo vista di volerlo, & co’ gli effetti oprando il contrario. Non credi tu ancora che come Datan, & Abiró no’ habbi a esser inghiottito della terra per tener viva continuamente con occulte pratiche (anchora che finalmente, in appare’za [112v] paia che procuri, la pace) la dissensione de Principi Cristiani, il che manifestamente dechiara Siena tante volte tentata: & le leggi che hai voluto fare co’ el Re de Francia, animandolo à far venire el turco per rihaver Piacenza, la quale Iddio volle dove pensasti che fosse la essaltatione della casa tua, ch’ella sia l’ultimo eccidio, havendoti p questo effetto alienato Cesare, & tolta la nemista dell’Illmo Don Ferrante Gonzaga, & casa sua il quale Iddio per molte sue bone opere conserverà perche habbi ad estirpare la tua falsa, & velenosa progenie, & cio lo devi gia conoscere chiaramente per le tante insidie che le hai preparate contra, & nessuna gia mai ne habbi potuto haver effetto.

Tu hai il nome di Paolo si, ma no’ gli effetti pche egli biasimo sempre el scandalizare el prossimo: ma tu scellerato no’ ti vergogni haver contratto parentado publicamente co’ l’Imperatore, & in presenza della nobilita di Roma, p contratto rogato p il Cortese haver dotata la figlia sua di .ccc. mila scudi: per haverla poi à processare per fattucchiera, far & et fargli mille oltraggi, come le hai fatto continuamente, uccidendo con li tormenti, & veleno quel povero frate del Pallavicino, acciò per giuditio d’Dio, [113r] dove in lei pensasti havere el fondamento della tua famiglia ella fussi la destruzzione, & ti dei ricordare ancora che in una sola mattina desti .lx. milia ducati p dotia alle quattro sorelle di Santa Fiora tue nepoti.

Sassi bene huomo inveterato, & rimbambito nel peccato, che questi danari, non li portasti da Valentano, Canino ò capo di monte ma che li cavasti della povera Chiesa: dilapidando senza frutto di essa, anzi con suo detrimento infinito, i suoi beni: per il che come Baldasarro coscia doveresti esser deposto. Succhiando continuamente el sangue di poveri subditi: con infinito danno .&. scandolo di tutti: co’ lo imponere ogni giorno nove gravezze che hanno desolate miseramente tutte le co’munita della Chiesa vendendo continuamente jubilei, & indulgenze. le quali spero che co’e a Giezi quale volle vender la salute à Naman ti acquisteranno la lepra con la destruzzione di tutta la progenia tua. Ne ti vergogni ribaldo publico, & infame haver dato di provisione co’ titolo de co’faloniero della Chiesa à ql vile, & disonesto di .P. Luigi .xl. mile scudi lano,& .xxx. mila à Ottavio suo figliuolo: et tante provisione a tutte le dame [113v] Farnesie, & a .S. Fiori & poi dire che li turchi immanissimi sovrastanno la povera Italia per angariar meglio il stato Ecclesiastico: di che ne sono piene le tue, false bolle: quali causano ogni giorno con tante intollerabilj gravezze alli toi poveri popoli, grandissimo scandolo in ogni parte.

Questi sono gli nemici del sangue humano, & della fede di Christo che fan’o tanti mali, & tante estorsioni, hor con .ccc. mila scudi lanno þpetuamente: hor co’ el sale, hor mezzi frutti, hor con decime, hor co’ censi, & livelli, & simili impositioni aggravando, & distrugge’do in tutta la liberta ecclesiastica: sotto di te divenuta misera servitù, pmettendo poi che larmata turchesca passasse senza alcuna lesione p el stato ecclesiastico lultima volta che Barbarossa fu nelli nostri mari talche per il comertio che secretamente hai con l’infideli, ragionevolmente ti sarà tolta l’occasione di poter più usare simili preambuli, nelle bolle, & ti co’vera ritrovarne de gli altri co’ nove fintioni.

Paolo dice, che se con el mangiar carne pensasse scandalizzare el prossimo che in eteno [sic: eterno] non ne gustaria; & tu con grave, & comune scandalo del christianesmo non ti sei vergognato maritare una tua nepote a [114r] Hieronymo Orsino. che sotto la fede uccise el fratello approvando co’ quelle malvagie nozze simil sceleraggine. Ne ti sei curato vendere Modena, & Reggio al Duca di Ferrara. & alienare Parma, & Piacenze: li quali non acquistasti gia mai alla Chiesa. il che Clemente pur si vergogno di fare ma Iddio forsa il quale dispone, & governa soavemente ogni cosa, per li soi mezzi lo havera promesso per aventura, per dar principio à qualche buona riformatione della Christianità: essendo tu co’dotto à tale cecità che no’ ti vergogni mettere in effetto tutte q’lle cose, che altri si sono vergognati & astenuti di fare.

E ben lecito per legge humana e divina in qualche urgente necessita della chiesa servirsi de bene de subditi, ma no’ gia per arrichire cosi numerosa, & infame famiglia, come e la tua, rivoltando larmi cosi ingiustamente contra quelli che non vogliano ò, non possono pagare tali gravezza? di che la povera Perugia Fermo el .S. Ascanio Colonna, ne fanno fede. & non è, minore il þcetto fatto alli subditi, & servi in obedire al suo superiore, che sia quello de padroni vso [sic: verso] li servi in non far lor cosa per la quale si scandalizzi el soggetto, [114v] & inferiore à se affligendolo indebitamente, di che Paolo in muolti luoghi parlando alli servi, & poi alli padroni di quello che convenghi à ciascuno di essi di fare, in molti luoghi ne escalama amplissimamente, & ragionevolmente stimo io contra quello di loro, il quale è il primo a passare tal divina institutione: che le huomo essendo da cosi manifesta, & aperta oppressione (come è la tua) contra de toi sudditi aggravato, si possa, & debba contrapporre: pche à Roboam dividendo el regno suo, con questi mezzi, et ribellandoseli é popoli per tal cagione, Iddio non volle consentire, che co’ armi si vendicassi contro di loro come che di tale punitione non fossero degni, essendo egli col darli amplissima causa, suto el primo trasgressore della divine tradizionj, Tu sapesti molto bene per l’Ardighello [sic] riprendere el Re di Francia per l’amista che gli teneva co’ protesta’ti, [sic: protestanti] et co’ gli infedeli, & lo Imperatore con Inghilterra biasimandolo più volte, & non ti avedi di tanti toi defetti cosi notabili, li quali se pure havessaro la esscusatione che essi hanno sarria men male.

De dimmi scelerato huomo come pensi tu poter esser Vicario di collui che dice el regno suo non essere di questo mondo, & dichiarò quelli soli essere suoi fratelli madre, & padre, che fanno la volunta del padre suo col dar [115r] repulsa alli zebedei della petitioni sue co’ mal animo chieste, havendo tu co’e per l’opere chiaramente apparisce, posto ogni tua cura in cose abhominevoli, et carnali, et solo in lassar la tua successione grande, et famosa: servendoti cosi sfacciatamente dello scudo della relligio’e di Christo, per adempire cosi disonesto appetito, & non ti accorgi meschino, che’l profeta dice, gli impij come te non poter lungamente regnare sopra la terra, & che li buoni finalmente la possederanno. pche Dio non li abbandona gia mai, & non ti accorgi dico che egli si ride delli tuoi vanni pensieri: et li destruggera à luogo, et tempo: con la infinita sua prudenza, et bonta.

Non hai letto ancora che nel tabernacolo de Dio no’ intrava’o se no’ quelli che operavano la giustitia, & herano boni, tra li qualli no’ poi esser tu ho'[sic:huomo] malvagio, no’ sai tu che il core dello impio, è come un mare tempestoso, & che l’huomo malvaggio nella scrittura si rassomiglia all’ herba d’un prato, che la matina è verde, & la sera colta é, secca et alla polvere inanti al vento. no’ sai anchora che de cativi, quantunche piano [sic: paiono] posto in alto seggio) quando sono ricerchi da boni, no’ si ritrovava el luoco suo, perche no’ possono durare. no’ sai ancora che megliori sono le poche ricchezze al giusto, & buono, [115v] che non sono le grandi al peccatore, come te, é che queste poche sonno, da Dio þservate, & aumentate, et quelle finalmente in poco tempo distrutte Lorenzo degno santo al quale hai posto successore ne l’uffitio suo al Cardinale Farnese, dispensò molto bene li tesori ecclesiastici, ma tu, & esso non li dispensi se non in proprietà della tua casa. O meschini non ve avvedeti che questo (se le cose passate insegnano quele che seguano) sarà tanto fuoco: perche lj occhij del .S. sono sopra li giusti sempre per dirizzarli a buon camino: & le orechie sue per essaudire le pregiere loro. li quali essendo da cattivi oppressati, è necessario che continuamente preghino el .S. che li liberi. onde egli che non può mancare alle sue promesse, rivolgerà el volto suo sopra de noi [sic: voi] altri tutti nati de falso, & venenoso seme, per estinguere el nome vostro sopra della terra no’ sai tu che ancora, è scritto, grideranno é, buoni contra de cattivi nel conspetto de Dio, & saran’o essauditi: dico tanto in questo mondo, come nel’ altro perche per sua bontà vole che è, siano perseguitato, per raffinarli, ma no’ gia estini [sic] come tu cerchi di fare. Non hai vecchio senza sentimento veduto, tanti essempie inanzi delli tuoi predecessori ch’ hanno simile animo havuto, come loro sia riuscito il pensieri vano, & perche dunque movj l’ira de Dio, & delli principi christiani, co’ si poco giuditio [116r] verso di te? seguendo quello che co’ ogni ragion’ dei evitare? non sai tu quello che dice Paolo, che egli l’occhio della begnità, & patientia ti aspetta à penitenza. Non sai che questi modi te thesaurizzi ognior ognihor piu la giusta ira sua? massimamente nel giorno del suo infallibile verace, & universal giuditio. comando Paolo che e vescovi non fossero novelli nella fede di Christo, & che quelli che si erano portati bene in uno uffitio, fossero promessi [sic] a dignita della Chiesa maggiore: ma tu osservi unaltra regola, che li incantatori, & li astrologi promuovi a Cardinali, & Vescovadi di che Sermoneta, Sanelli tuoi nepoti, & Borgia, col darli sette è, otto Vescovadi per uno, fanno fede, & se pur’ hai promesso ad alcuna dignità qualche virtuoso, che non si po negare, lo hai fatto per mal fine, & per ostare allj Cardinali vecchi che pensano doppo di te a essere Papi come ancora con nove creazioni cerchi al þnte di fare il qual stile osservi in tutte le cose tue; & ne hai ancora per rincompensa di quei pocchi boni fatti tanti de tristi. che di questo non meriti alcuna commendatione: massimamente che tosto per esser’ troppo libero el povero Contarino, & amatore della verita, lo hai con veneno spento.

Oyhme che maggior vituperio si puó sentire nella Chiesa [116v] di Dio. che lo esser’ suto da te, ad instanza di quell scellerato, & infame di tuo figliolo, creato Cardinale el Gambero Idolo de tradimenti, è vero imitatore de vitiJ, & Rimini publico cinedo, & Acquaviva in fame in ogni maniera di lussuria. et il parissio publico falsario, & il Ghinucci, e il Somonetta, per havere assassinato Ravena, & Monte publico concubinario, & imitator di sodoma, & il Sfondrato perche no’ leggi male intese disfenda [sic: diffenda] le tue false upinioni, de nel che hai veramente imitato l’auttore tuo Alessandro, quale esso ancora per simil conto, creo’ el Cardinale Alessandrino ma no ti’ curare che à te avverrà q’llo che di tali creationi meriti dj conseguire. perche saranno alcuni di essi (se per sopravivano à, te) q’lli che distruggerano la tua famiglia, permettendo spesse volte Idio con el suo giusto giuditio distruggere le perverse cogitationi de gli homini cattivj co’ q’lli mezzi che essi giudicano et elleggano per li migliori, et più atti alle loro cattive intentioni: Il che non per altro, è da lui fatto, se no’ per darci ad intendere che egli è, moderatore governatore principio mezzo, & fine de ogni cosa et che, come dice Paolo; senza esso no’ siamo pur sufficienti à pensare alcuna cosa, & tieni p certo, che cio non può mancare, per haver tu prezzato più la benedizzione di Esau, che quella [117r] di Jacob. & fatto maggior’ fondamento in lassare è, tuoi, ricchi de boni temporali che dell’amore de Dio, & della benivolenza de popoli, & amici. no’ ti ricordando di quel savio detto, cioe che nissuno regno pote gia mai esser’ sicuro, senza la benivolenza de gli homini.

Ma per venire à quello che piu importa, cioè provare che per nessun modo, tu poi esser detto Vicario di Christo, ma del diavolo sotto compendio. Dirò che più volte hai votata [sic: vuotata] la cassa di Loreto, il che reputo peggio, che ‘l dire contra l’imagini, & adorationi de santi, & contanti carnefici Corsi, & d’ogni natione tese tante insidie per uccidere il S. Don Ferrante Gonzaga. & poi per contrapesare à tante sceleraggini, e hora cosi ingiustamente tribuli il Cardinale Morrone. che il p il Conte Galeotto Sogliano, & per il Medico Ringera tante volte hai tentato, avelenare Raven’a. che hai fatte tante compre false de beni de .S. Spirito di .S. Paolo, & d’altri delli danari della Chiesa: dicendo che erano della casa Farnese. Che hai rotti tanti legatti fatti à i luoghi pij, per havere quelli danari. Come il testamento di Gibraleone del’Agnello, & altri fanno fede. Che no’ punisci se no’ è delitti, dove pretendi utilita, come il fratricidio di [117v] Antonello Sanello fa fede co’ molti altri che per brevità lascio. Che sotto la fede di Farnese assassinasti el Vescovo di Pavia. che ogni di in quel tuo datariato, & penetentiaria: non si sente se no’ furti, falsità, & rubbarie, & finalmente vendere in varij, & dishonesti modi xþo, & il suo sangue: cose dette mille volte senza alcun frutto, et che si spesso, & co’ si poca gravita, hai discorso per tutta Italia a parlamento co’ li Principi: sempre co’ qualche mal disegno di proprietà, & che per un commodo della persona, non ti curasti curaresti vedere rovinata tutta la republica christiana: volendo Paolo che per vera carita si cerchi laltrui bene, et no’ il proprio. che tu sei al male, et à tuoi interessi cosi pronto, et al bene’ di altri cosi tardo, & instabile. Che nel principio del tuo Pontificato, hai detto voler mostrare, quanto in te potesse più lo spirito che la carne, & lo habbi cosi bene, come è detto di sopra osservato. Che attossicasti el Cardinale de Cesi: pche ti fù contrario al tuo pontificato, havendo egli detto àgli altri Cardinali che guardassero di no’ fare un patre di famiglia Papa. Che hai cosi bene imitato Clemente nella avaritia. Giulio nella collera, & stizza, et poca relligione. Paolo secondo nella malignita, & lunghezza: et finalmente l’auttor [118r] tuo Allessandro nella crudeltà, & libidine, & che tu sia doppio, inessorabile, ostinato, & mai perdoni. Che nessuna cossa habbi fatta degna, ne di Principi seculare ò, vero ecclesiastico, ne’ di privato. Che non ti diletti parlare se no’ continuamente con sbirri; spie, & carnefici, i piu crudeli sempre essaltando, & li buoni deprimendo disegnando sempre sopra la robba d’altri et che tu sia vilissima p no’ haver voluto mai entrare in alcuna impresa honorevole, ma solo lacerare, & haver briga con li inferiori che da te non si possa havere audienza. se no’ da chi parla de tuoi interessi, & se pur’ si ha, sia tumultuaria, et tocchi alloro l’udire, & no’ esser udito. Che habbi affrontata Madama tua nipote dell’honor suo, & per no’ ti haver voluto compiacere, che tu sia stato in continua guerra co’ esso lei, & che come Frate Baccio ti disse: sul visso, no’ ti satiaresti mai empire e’, cestoni. Che habbi oltraggiato tutti e, Principi d’Italia senza proposito alcuno come può far fede il Duca di Fiorenza per il favore che cosi indebitamente contra di lui hai dato alli frati di S. Marco nominandolo in concistorio per heretico & il Duca di Mantovo, & Il Duca di Ferrara. Che hai negato. li alimentj alla mogliera di Napolione Orsino che habbi comenzato a fabricar lentamente a .S. Pietro nõ p [118v] buon zelo, ma pche la vendita delle Indulgenze habbi meglior spaccio. Che hai schernito il mondo con queste tue reformationi da te volute, con quella volunta che ciascuno sa. la quale deve incominciare da te prima. Che hai fatto el Castel di Sant Angelo, el cavallo dj Falaride, no’ si sentendo altro ogni giorno, in esso se no’ stridi de poveri indebitamente tormentati. Che hai fatti molti Cardinali poveri, & ignobili, per farli lance spezate di Farnese, et p creare un successore amico a tuoi. Che quando fai male ad uno, no’ ti consigli se no’ co’ gli inimici suoi. Che come Nerone tormento molti christia’j per escusarsi dallo incendio di Roma: cosi tu ancora p esscusatione del veleno dato a Cesis. Medici, & altri habbi fatto tormentar molte persone. Che tu sia largo nel prometere, & nello attendere ove non è tuo interesse, falacissimo. Che tu sia stato un altro Tiberio a i tempi nostri, & peggiore, inquesto che esso no’ hebbe cognitione della luce, & della fede di Christo q’le tue tu usi come tenebra. Che habbi offeso ogniuno, et nessuno habbi offeso te. Che co’ si ferma, & dannosa intentione habbi cerco co’tra ogni legge divina, et humana, et ogni consuetudine sel si puo fare el successore nel Papato, volendolo lassare per heredità à tuoi, et non contento di q’sto [119r] veduto che p bonta di Caesare no’ ti riusciva il pensiero, che cerchi con ogni industria p distruggere bene il nome Italiano, doppo à te di far capitar. Il Papato nella natione Francese. Che hai cosi sfacciatamente fatto dui fratelli Cardinali con alleger l’essempio di dui Colonnesi, provando che erano fratelli, p assomiliarsi nella pittura di Anagni. Che non hai auitato se no’ di parole, é Principi co’tra gli infidelli. Che hai rotto el testamento del Trivultio, che ti cieco creo Papa, & che cosi sollennemente habbi oltraggiato el Vescovo di Verona morto in Scotia nelli servitii della sede apostolica togliendoli quel segretario, che egli haveva co’fidato, nella vita dell’Arcivescovo di Firenza, p morte sua. Che hai sempre mantenute le carestie a tuoi sudditi, p guardagno tuo particolare, & de tuoi Che hai per mezzo di Alessandro Vitello fatto morir di fame tanti Italiani nella guerra della Magna pche lo Imperatore rimanesse vinto. Che hai fatto decapitare Giulio Cibo p li tradimentj tuoi, & co’sentito à quella solemne sbirraria del Manfrone, che hai dato licentia à .P. Antonio di Cesena di lassar la moglie p farlo Vescovo che hai dispensato Hermes Stampa, che haveva gli ordini sacri al tor moglie. la qual cosa ordinatamente [119v] fai illicita, solo pche Farnese tuo nepote habbia la coadiutoria sul Vescovado di Navara. Che indebitamente hai fatto þfessione di nobile, & la nobilita cosi iniquamente habbi perseguitata. Che da molto tempo in qua nessuno tuo þdecessore habbi havuto maggiore occasione di esser buono di te, e no’ dimeno non ne sia stato da .ccc. anni in qua el più tristo imitando molto bene nelle scelleraggini un altro Pontefice Romano, co’e te, detto, Nicola terzo de li Orsini. quale co’e dicano e scrittori impose fine, alle vere bontà de molti santj Pontifici. che farano inanzi a lui, tal che meritame’te fu detto dissipatore dela chiesa. Che le publice, & private inimicitie sempre non hai non solo spente, co’e era tuo uffitio, ma nutrite. Che cosi impudicamente co’ poca riverenza dell’uffitio tuo, & cosi spesso, haj speso el tempo à far bancheti. Che habbi portato collera co’ el .S. Stefano Colonna pche ti contraddisse alla distruttione di Fermo, & di Perugia, cose da te procurate per vendetta, & guadagno, ma più pche egli intesa la vitta della Constanza tua figlia, si pentj di volerla per moglie, quando gli la volesti dare, & finalmente che a tuoi pensieri si risolvino in vivere, arrichire, & ingradire, é tuoi. dispiacere sempre à buoni, & mantenere, a cattivi, accumulando danarj [120r] sperando solo nell’incerto delle ricchezze mundane, & seguendo in tutto l’Astrologia, la quale qto sia detestabile, anzi cosa infedele in un Pastore, intendo hora di provarti si chiaramente che per ogni via si conosca, che no’ meriti quel Pontificato è si come Baldassarro Coscia p questo, & altre cause, meriti esser privato, anzi che da q’llo sei ipso iure giustamente dicaduto: no’ volêdo co’ la tua mala vita, & pessima essempli entrar nel cielo, ne permettere che altri ci entrino, adorando come Hieroboam più le cose create del chel creatore, & non permettando che si adori Idio in Hierusalem, co’ interdir le buone dottrine, & libri à quelli che vogliano seguitare Christo, impregionando come Acab li buoni relligiosi, & essaltando, & credendo à tristi. come egli fece a Sedechia. Perche se del vero no’ temesti, faresti come si fa di qua: ove à nessuno, è vietato leggere qualche vole accio che co’ questo mezzo si possa meglio conoscere el vero dal falso, & per provare questa vera upinione. faccio questa conclusione. Che chi seguita l’astrologia, divinatoria, no’ crede in Dio, & in conseguenza p la opinione di tutti no’ può esser ne Papa, ne Christiano chiamato perche di gia che no’ non crede, è giudicato [120v] lasciando hora da parte la disputa, setu sia Pastore universale o, semplice Vescovo ò vero che in ogni caso, scandelizando el mondo, come è, detto tu sia soggetto al concilio, le quali oppinioni hora no’ fanno mestieri, lasciandole al suo luoco, & tempo, & che tu non tenga altra via che q’lla dell’Astrologia: penso non mi sia necessario à, provarlo, essendo che le cose notorie massimamente che sono con scandolo universale, come è, questa, no’ habbino mesteri di prova, pche la essaltatione de Cecio di .S. Croce detto Marcello da Monte Pulciano, li doni, & dignità date al Gaurico, allo Astrologo portugese, & lo haver fatto Vescovo quel Frate di .S. Paolo discepolo di Paris. Ceresaro Astrologo Mantuano, & lo haver fatto Generale di S. Dnico frate Agostino recuperato da Faenza, tutti professori di tale arte, co’ molti altri che p brevità io taccio. co’fermando q’sta publica, et universale opinione di te nella quale me imagino ragionevolmente che nessuno debba dubbitare havendola tu medessimo confirmata sempre, et più che mai, nel dare il gonfalone, ad Ottavio tuo nepote, qn in Araceli, aspettando il ponto della co’stellatione desti ta’to é tal scandalo à gli astanti, che p questo tu solo atto co’trario alla Christiana relligione giustamente [121r] poi esser de posto dal Papato. Ma tornando alla prova della conclusione nostra dico che’l no’ fare come tu, alcuna azzione senza la osservatione de punti, hore, et horoscopi, rende segno manifesto che non credi in Dio: ma che sei servo del diavolo, di che fa fede Hieremia profeta, q’le ci insegna à non temere alcuno segno del cielo: dechiarando vane le leggi di quei popoli che a tali cose attendevano, & Hieronymo in quel luoco chiaramente tieni q’llj che credano alcuna cosa dependare da corpi celesti, quelli osservano, adorare la cose create, & no’ il creatore: & essere infedeli essendo che no’ sono fatte se no’ per segno de’ li anni, mesi, & giorni: senza havere alcuna forza di operare se non quanto Dio vole: affirmando da fede no’ poter stare co’ simili osservationi, & tali esser pessimj come Herode è, Faraone: quali soli nelle scritture osservorno li horoscopi, della natività loro: stimando alcune stella esser begni benigne, & altre no’, come che potessero giovare, & nocere agli huomini, & questa oppinione tanto dispiaque alli antichi, che Origine p no’ attribuir alcina alcuna cossa alla luna quale secondo è, medici, molto noce à corpi nella infirmità, disse che’l demonio [121v] era quello che astutamente faceva simili operationj quando scema, & cresce, diminuando, & accrescendo la infirmita dell’ huomo, co’ mirabil velocità per offuscare le menti nostre, & trarle à se co’ et fargli prestar fede à corpi celesti, & p cio di quel lunatico sanato da Christo. egli dice, che no’ pativa se no’ p mezzo del diavolo, & no’ del corpo lunare, & nella espositione del .xv. capo dello Esodo. dice simili osservationi di stelle esser infirmita dan’osa, infedele, & egiptiaca, & no’ per altra càggione che p esser tal’ arte prohibita, & Christiano in Giovanni allultimo capo, riprende Pietro che voleva sapper la morte di esso Giovanni, & li Apostoli similmente sono ripresi volendo sapper: inanzi el tempo, la restitutione del regno d’Idio Israel dicendoli che no’ era uffitio loro: sappere é segreti de tempi, & de momenti: quali Dio haveva reservati in sua postesta, & Augustino al .V. delle citta de Dio al .x. capo. poi che hebbe dimonstrato la vanità di osservare é punti determinati, come tu sai nelle azzioni tue rispondendo ad alcuni che dicevano, che p la astrologia, & similj osservationj molte volte si conoseva [sic] Il vero, dice [122r] chiaramente che tal volta cio accade, p opera del diavolo, quale per patti occulti, che hà in tale arte, rivela alcune cose, che egli conosce dovere essere, etia’ Dio che detti astrologi no’ sapino tali patti, & ciò affermano molti sacri dottori potere esser per scienza, & opera del demonio, si co’me nella scrittura, dico nel secondo delle sententie alla viii. distinzione. affermano i Dottori delli demoni incubi, & succubi, & nel secondo libro della dottrina Christiana pur’ Agostino disse il medesimo, cioe delli patti occulti sopradetti el quale seguita el Lirano, dove disputa: quali fossor le sortj, che caddero sopra Matthia. dalla q’le opinione facilmente si conosce se chi ha p natura dell’arte, patti espressi quantunche ad alcuno occulti, con el demonio può essere pastore universale: ò no, & che seguitando tale arte, non doveno (come dice Giovannj( anco esser salutati, & san Thomaso dimanda l’astrologia divinatoria suþstitione, per quel patto, che dice Agostino, chiamando servi del diavolo quellj che la seguano.

Et non paia cosa strana quello se dice hora di tal patto: pche Idio come si prova in Matteo al .xx. [122v] capo dice non ti sei co’venuto meco della mercede dell’opera: adunque no’ ti querelare se hai il tuo dovere: onde per quel testimonio manifestamente, come p molti altri, ancora si prova Idio haver patto con noi per le buone opere, & similmente nel male, lo può havere el diavolo p le cative. come in q’sta, ma non però la faccio io .Sig. del male, co’stituendo duj principij come Il Manicheo, ma cio dice, pche non paia duro, q’llo si dice di tal patto. & il Gaietano dice, questj talj essere quelli propriamene, che nelle loro natività, & azzioni osservano, & puontj.

Dichiarasi q’sto ancora meglio nella vecchia legge al .xxii. dello esodo dove dice, li malafici overo sortilegi no’ patirai che vivano: pcioche p vertù di detto patto occulto assai manifestamente si prova talj esser veramente malefici, quando anno hanno comercio alcuno palesa ò segreto co’ el demonio, & nelli numeri: meglio che in altro luoco si prova manifestamente, tale arte non esser nella scrittura tollerata, pche parlando del popolo d’Israel, dice, in lui, no’ è augurio, ne divinatione, per essere amato da Dio. quale q’ndo gli pare el tempo, gli rivella quello che fa mestieri, à gli homini di sapere, & non piu. [123r]

Et se lo volessi addurre tutte le autorità della sacra scrittura, che co’cordano in cio, farei un libro no’ una lettera: ma satisfacendomi di q’ste poche, perche sj manifesti al mondo, di quanta autorità, tu debbi essere massimamente per il scandalo publico, che in tutte le tue azzioni, & particularmente in q’sta dai al popolo Christiano, passarò à dire quattro parole, ancora della professione dellarte magica, che tu fai: Il che la essaltatione, & l’amista cosi stretta che havesti co’ Fra Dionisio fra Jacono Nachianti, fra Berardino Calino, Bresciano, & li demonij trovati a .P. Luigi nella morte, sua da te dateli fanno chiaro che meriti di esser privato dj q’lla dignità pcioche appresso gli antichi, etiam Dio giontili, era tanta abhominevole questa professione, che e Christiani sotto nome de Magi, & di malafici erano co’demnati come Ambrosio parlando di Angesa apertamente testifica, & Apollonio Tianeo, essendo di ciò infamato co’ ogni sforzo, studdeò di levar via tal macchia, & Apuleio fu costretto, sendo di ciò accusato, purgarsi: accio non fusse condennato p mago, et questo no senza causa facevano, sappendo alli demonij come à insidiatori [123v] esser data tanta forza, che causano molte volte in questo nostro aere, quale essa essi habitano, molte pestilenze, & tempesta. & p questo son detti da Paolo spiriti, che hanno potestà di questo aere, & da Dio sonno chiamati Principi di questo mo’do. che in lui non hanno parte.

Se adunque quelli che no’ conoscevano la vera beatitudine, ne havevano cognitione de Dio, ne manco delle sacre lettre, ab horrivano questo, come può esser tollerato dalli Christiani uno che chiamandosi capo della Chiesa no’ si vergogna di continuo tale arte essercitate, scongiurando è, demonij, & prestando favore à i professori di simile arte, essendo che quelli e, quali scandalezzano el prossimo. per parola d’Dio, debbano esser spenti, & tolti in tutto dal mondo, no’ eccettuando pontifice, ne altra psona del mondo di che sorte si voglia, et accio meglio s’intenda quanto ella sia detestabile, é da sapere che l’appetito del diavolo é, di essere adorato co’e Dio, acciò possi adempire quello che nel principio disse, Io sarò il Ciello sopra le stelle, & essaltarò il solio mio, et sarò simile allo altissimo. & per ciò non cessa Instigare gli huomini che lo adorino, [124r] & accio facciano q’sto, si dimostrano in qualche cosa, quasi à Dio simili, come in amare la castità, del che fece tanta, professione Apollonio Tianeo, come nella vita sua appare. donde nasce che pare si diletti di persone caste in rivelare la castità, del cose occulte, predirle future. Il che Esaia dimostrò appertenere sol á Dio, quando disse, diteci q’llo che debbe essere, & speramo voi essere Iddij. et ancor’ fa segno di suscitar morti, come q’lla Phitonissa fece, secondo la openione di alcunj di Samuel, & come Lino narra di alcuni di Samuel, & come Lino narra [sic] di Simone Mago, et molte altre cose, come dar tesori, monere [sic:movere] co’ terremoti insoliti la terra, da quallj segni ingannati gli huomini credono poi esso haver tal potenza & pche come é, detto, solo à Dio cio þpriamente, appartiene, che secondo Paolo, da vita alli morti, & chiama le cose che no’ sonno, come q’lle che sonno, & à cui ogni cosa è presente, gli huomini credendo in quella arte, si fanno talmente schiavi del diavolo, che in tutto come, tu hai fatto, lo abbandonano, & q’sti sonno quelli contra li quali, Paolo esclama, & dice, che Iddio li tolera, & conduce al senso reprobo. [124v] havendoli previsti al male, per più co’,fussione loro, & maggiore manifestatione della gloria sua.

Et che sia Il vero ch’el diavolo tali cose cerchi, lo dichiara lultima tentatione di Christo, nella qle gli promisse tutto el stato del mondo, segitandosi in terra, lo adorasse, la qual cosa come detestabile abhominando Christo, lo scaccio da se dicendo, un solo Iddio disse dovessi adorare & era questa cosa tanto nelli anticha legge essosa, che Iddio disse à Moise, chi sacrificarà alli Iddij, fuor che al Signore sarà ucciso, & non patirai vivere. & à Saul è, attribuita per laude grande haver spento gli indivini, & p il contrario grande ignomina lo havere ricerca quella Phytonissa che gli suscitassi chi paresse alluj.

Et Achab et Ochozia suo figliuolo che si co’sigliavano co’ Belzabub Dio di Accaron sono gravamente puniti. & in un giorno trecento Profeti di Baal forono uccisi. & Ochozia dimandando aiuto ai Helia, fù ripreso co’ dirgli che andasse dalli þfeti del suo padre che egli adorava.

A Manese per gravi vituperio si attribuisce haver co’secrati. é suoi figliuoli, et fattoli passare per Il fuoco, & haver promesso vivere é, magi, & Phitonj, [125r] & simili indovini nel regno suo, si come Ezechia, et Josia sonno lodati sommamente di haverli spenti, et nel nuovo testamento quanto questo sia Illicito, dechiara Christo, quando no’ pmette i demonij dirli che egli sia figlio di Dio, no’ volendo accettare ancora nel vero Il testimonio del diavolo, dandone p cio un documento, che da i demonij nessuno aiuto, possiamo drittamente ricevere ancor che ne mostrino di volerci auitare [sic], & q’sto drittamente medessimo ci insegna in .S. Luca al .xxii. capo. quando dechiara lo aversario haver richesto, à Dio di sbatterci come frumento, nel crivello, acciò p le tribulationi pdessimo la fede.

Et alli Efesii dimostra Paolo, la nostra guerra esser no’ solo contra la carne ma li spiriti di questo aere contra la potestà spirituale, che no’ si vede, et no’ di haver co’versatione seco, come tu fai pche sempre tanto ne incitano, al male che da Pietro Apostolo, e detto fratelli siate sobrij, & vigilate, pche el diavolo vostro aversario co’tinuamente à guisa di leone ruggiando cerca p divorarvi, & condurvi al peccato: la qual cosa, et dalla tentatione di Job, tanto dal demonio procurata, & dale parole di Giovanni [125v] Evangelista nella sua Apocalipsi, si manifesta, el qual dice, guai agli habitatori della terra: pche egli è, sciolto el diavolo, il che dimostra che co’ el demonio si debbe vivere, come co’ un nostro ppetuo inimico, & insidiatore, & si come, é traditore del suo Signore chi si accosta al suo nemico, & da lui cerca favore, cosi che cerca dal diavolo, per qualunche modo tacio ò occulto, aiuto, e certo ribello de Dio, & nemico della fede sua, & privato ipso Jure di ogni dignità, & del nome di Christiano, la dove se come dubitavi no’ sei morto alli cinque di Maggio, come ti þdisse Il Ceresaro, credilo à me che ciò fia [sic] p riservarti l’alto et imortale Iddio à maggior punitione: il qual retarda el supplitio, p maggior gravezza della vendetta, ne sarà buona scusa, alli tuoi, il volere far morire, le tante offese fatte ad altrui, co’ la psona tua sapendosi molto ben, che eglino sonno alla maggior parte della colpa di esse.

Aggiongesi à q’sto, che come tu li attribuisse quello che è proprio à Dio, lo adori, & pero prendi el carattere di quella bestia, che descrive Giovanni nel cui capo [126r] e lo spirito, della biastema, & questo è pecare in spirito santo, é a morte: per li quali no’ si deve orare, essendo ciò, come dice Christo, peccato irremissibile ne luno, & laltro secondolo.[81] Talche inessun modo come Christiano, & capo della chiesa, merti [sic] tal dignita, anzi ignominiosamente, esser diposto, & morto, facendosi à te non altrimente, che a Saul quando mando alla Phitonissa, tal che posto nelle mani delli inimici suoi, da quelli per punitione di tale peccato, fu co’stretto à dari per se stesso le morte, la qual cosa verificandosi in te, no’ pastore ma Antichristo, meritamente dei esser chiamato.

Onde p far fine a questa mia rivolgo el parlare mio alli Principi Christiani p la salute nostra, che proveggano à tanto nostro comun, danno, & errore, essendo che le loro potestà imperij, come dice Paolo, venghino da Dio, no’ per altro, se no’ per salute delle genti sue, è cosi come tutti i, buoni, sacerdoti, sono obligati, à provedere pregar per lj loro, cosi anchora essi essendo cosi giarissima (sic:chiarissima), che eglino sonno fatti p li popoli, & no’ è popoli p loro, [126v] sonno obligati, à provedere co’ le opere, & fatti & co’ le arme ancora bisognando, à quelle violenze, alle quali é, poveri devoti di Jesù non possono darrimedio, se no’ co’ el buon essempio, & buoni esshortationi, pche ne lo esodo quando più al popolo d’Israel faceva mestieri di aiutto, Idio quantunche à preghi di Moise, le desse Aron sacerdote, per compagno, no’ dimeno già mai cosi aptamente, ne co’fidentamente apri el suo segreto, ad alcuno, se no’ à esso Moise p soventione delli meschini hebrei, dimostrando quanto nelle calamita di quel popolo, egli co’fidassi più nelli Principi seculari, che in altri, & ció meglio ancor si prova, nello esodo ancora pche Moise fu quello, che unse in sacerdote Aron, dando ordine p mezzo suo, a tutti li stabilimenti della relligione sua, & no’ fú Aron che costituisse ó eleggesse p principe Mose, dalche manifestamente si prova la maggioranza sua, sopra, é Prelati ecclesiastici. qn [quando] essi no’ gli proveggano & þvasi p le dedicatione, oratione, & benediccione del te’pio fatta da Salomone co’ cio sia che Il principe sia ancor sacerdote secondo lordine di Melchisadech. [127r]

Et al xxxiii ca della esodo, ritrovo Aron essere suto ripreso da Mose, per haver consentito alla Idolatria del vitello, & certo, e s’egli havesse ostinatamente come tu fai perseverato nel peccato, quale per timore commise, che egli sarria stato, dal fratello non solo corretto, ma deposto, & morto con li altri .xxii. milia che uccise, ne gia mai ritrovo el detto Aron havere corretto Mose, alche si aggiunge l’auttorita di Salamone sopra Abbiatar Sacerdote, rimovendolo per suoi demerti [sic] dal sacerdotio, & in suo luoco constituendo Sadoc pcioche un Papa ingiusto secondo Origine sopra Matteo al xvi: nella sua Hemolia [sic], & il Gaetano à lultimo di S. Giovanni, é Papa equivoco Il che chiaramente si dimonstra, oltre le cose sopra dette, p lo haver patito, & patire, una pittura cosi obscena, & sporca, come q’lla di Michela’gelo, nella capella di Roma, ove si hanno da cantare gli uffittij divini: che molto meglio servirebbe in un theatro, ò scena comica: la q’le uppinione havendo tenuta quel valent huomo del Fregoso, come contrario alle tue voglie, con veneno l’uccidesti. [127v]

Invitissimi Re et Principi Chrestiani siate adunq3 pregati da me divotissimo servo di Jesu Christo, di depporre gli odij tra di voi, & attendere à questa santissima opera, cioè di condure q’sto Antichristo, q’sto mostro horrendo, in luoco securo, dove ogni buon Christiano, possa libermente parlare, per utile della fede sua essendo noi, come dice, Paolo, membri suoi: & esso Christo capo, & primogenito tra nuoi suoi fratellj, & popolo, acquistato col pretioso sangue suo. che ciascuno co’oscerà grandissimo frutto: in prohibire é venenosi morsi di si fiera bestia: pcioche altrimenti facendo, è Principi infideli intraranno nel luogo vostro, per correggere voi insieme con quelli che persuppongano [sic] no’ havere, superiore Il concilio (quali giustamente doveriano essere da voi corretti) perche come dice Hieronimo, la fede di Christo ha havuto, non minore aumento sotto é: Principi infideli, che diminutione sotto quellj che hanno à parole solo, fatto professione di fideli, & poi nelle opere sonno stati al contrario. [128r]

ET TU INVITISSIMO CAESARE AVE(dj)TI[82] bene inquesto concordia, che tratti con q’sto huomo pche tutto quello che le darai sarà operato contro di te, & sovvengati delli tanti ingani che ti hà fatto, quando non pensava di essere offeso da te accioche conoschi quello che egli sarebbe al þnte [presente].

ET, perche Intendo alcuni scrittori ó, per via de historia, ó di altra compositione haver pigliato assunto di lodar questo mostro, mossi da mera adulatione, & per aventura, da qualche loro commodo: & interesse: gli admonisco: che advertano molto bene: à non pigliar fatica di contradire à cosi manifesta verità pcioche alla sua fatica sarrà data quella fede: che meritaranno offuscando ogni altra sua impressa. Oltre che io, & alcuni altri servi di Christo Jesù ci obligamo à diffendere con lo scrivere: & co’ li libri in mano: tutto q’llo che hora si scrive, & qui si contiene: et talemente [128v] rispondere alle adulationi loro chel presente secolo: & quello che verra chiaramente conosera la mala natura di quello che lodera, & insieme di colui che sara da essi lodato. Imperò se apparecchino pure: à questa giusta guerra: che troverrano buon riscontro: dicho di persone: che non seguiranno genelogie interminate: ne vanita di belli stili: & dotti sermoni: mundanj: ma la verita di Jesu Christo havendo detto Paolo che piu tosto vorrebbe dire cinque parole: che edificassero il prossimo: & la Chiesa co’ la verita: inanzi che havere quanta eloquenza: & candidezza di stile: che si possi trovare per compare dele vanita: & delle bugie piene d’immensa: & intollerabile adulatione: come saranno queste: se pur veranno a luce.

LAUS DEO [129r]


An invective letter of Bernardino Ochino describing the life and deeds of Paul III, supreme pontiff.[83]

To the Most Illustrious and Excellent Lord, his most observant Lordship, Ascanio Colonna.

Your Excellency should know that at the beginning of the troubles I received at the hands of Pope Paul III, because of whom I was compelled for safety’s sake to seek refuge in these parts of Germany,[84] I composed some sermons and other small works. They had everything to be expected from a Christian and Catholic man. This is quite evident in them. Nevertheless, I heard that in Italy, by means of many prohibitions and excommunications, these works have been[85] forbidden for anyone to have or to read. To me this seems to be quite beyond the limits of reason seeing that he was not content to harass me that he goes even further to persecute my works too. At the time I decided not to write this letter of mine for his correction. I thought to myself then that it would be more fitting as a good religious to wait rather than reply immediately in detail, and that it would be a stronger remedy against the malaise to wait some time to see if he might repent of the past errors he made, that he would do what was appropriate for him. Therefore I decided to sit on the publication of this letter until now. I have seen from experience the ultimate impenitence of the life of this man as his actions and customs have worsened each day. His purpose was not holy, as it should have been. Nor was it even human or animal, but that of the worst, rampant demon. I decided go ahead and publish it now[86] at all costs for the benefit of anyone who may read it rather than any penitence that a man might hope for from him, as he has gone on to add to all his other wicked deeds between then and now.

Aware of the intense rancour and bitterness beyond all due that he bears against you and your illustrious family I thought I could address my efforts here to no better person than yourself for many reasons, but most of all to console you. By seeing who it is that persecutes you, you might be confirmed in your true and great goodness. One can believe himself to be quite pleasing to God the more he suffers difficulty from such a person, abominable and reprobate, I say, in every kind of sin. Therefore receive these efforts with a joyful heart. And may His shadow shield you and cover you and defend you from his poisonous bites. If he should wish to set himself against you, I pray he may only do what can grant what you yourself desire.

The Humble Servant of your most illustrious and excellent Lordship, Bernardino Ochino.

Evangelical Correction of Bernardino Ochino to Paul Third, Roman Pontiff.

Most unjust and wicked father, undeservedly called universal shepherd, but what God has permitted to refine his elect and punish the sins of peoples[87] by means of your malice and persecution. I heard about your bans against anyone who reads my things. And because of the iniquity that reigns in you, you have now forbidden me to speak in person in those places and to those persons where I have always laboured with my preaching and prayers,[88] which I am still doing tirelessly. I did not want to continue[89] and leave my letter unpublished, to render you, first of all, the service of needed correction, but then also my defence in support of good persons. However I do not have much hope that an old octogenarian might rise up from the evil and perverse life he has lived until now[90] and that [91] you rescind your unworthy prohibitions. Or if I cannot achieve this[92] at least in those places, the souls of those servants of Jesus Christ may be confirmed through me in their good lives by abandoning your false teachings and those of your followers.

Therefore to do this it seemed reasonable to me to start at the beginning of your life and follow the sequence up to the present times, to make known the correspondence between the beginning, middle and end of your life. From this each may judge whether you were chosen for that dignity by a diabolical spirit or by a divine one. And in Christian duty I could not overlook that service, especially now that I am somewhere safe.[93] In this way through me your insidious teachings, full of [94]malice, can be made evident, if not entirely at least in part, as a defence and shield for those who follow the truth. Whatever value my efforts may have by means of this letter, those persons heading towards God can know how to avoid[95] your falsehoods by clearly judging whether the true charity, love, piety and faith that were in Peter are in you. Because of these things he had pre-eminence over the other apostles[96]. I do not intend to discuss this matter[97] now but leave them to their proper time, in case the Christian princes[98] want to be able to talk about it in a safe place and the matter be discussed freely by intelligent and free persons for the benefit of the true church of God. We will know about this soon enough. Nor do I think to transgress the limits of a good religious[99] in this way,[100] for Paul says to reproach in the church of God, by speech and writing, anyone who sins as you do publically. Jerome observed this against Vigilantius[101] and against John[102] of Jerusalem. With his letters he rebuked them publically for their sins. The letters he wrote against Elvidius[103] and against Rufinus[104] and Pelagius[105] support this. In his letter against John of Jerusalem and against perverse men and public sinners: one should not pretend but impede them without hesitation in public and in private to chastise them. Your crimes scandalise the world greatly to the detriment of faith in Christ. Therefore anyone who has read this letter will then be able to recognise how much authority should be attributed to the elect of Jesus Christ the saviour. I am not referring to the church of God[106] which I always understand to be exempt since its word can never fail in its teaching, but to your actions that lead them astray. It may seem that supreme judges cannot be judged or reprimanded by lower judges, nor may their authority be ceded even if they were transgressors of this law. I say that this is true when they do not pervert faith or the law and precepts of Christ. However when they fail in these things and are a private and public scandal as you are in all your actions, it is clear that such supreme judges are not only to be rebuked but also refuted by every good Christian, just as Paul stood up to Peter face to face in public. For we are all servant members, a chosen people and royal priesthood in Christ with whom there is no partiality.[107]

But before I begin to this, I will use that verse of John, namely, that the antichrist has come,[108] and because of you many antichrists are evident today in the church. Therefore in imitation of Paul to the Thessalonians I beg good Christians not to submit to any terror, nor fail the true faith and its fruits, which are just works because of your perverse works and those of your followers. Trust in the Spirit of God who was promised us infallibly by Him who has willed to remain with his chosen ones forever, and who would always bear witness that they are[109] His children and coheirs. It should be believed that He has wanted to uphold you[110] and sustain you in the world for your own confusion, prince of all wickedness, and also, as has been said, it is for glory of the good and the great benefit of His faith that your great iniquity will be removed at the right time and place. For it is very true, that because the wicked in the world are more powerful, those who want to live with Jesus Christ have to suffer various persecutions. For God permits worldly prosperity for the confusion and eradication of anyone who uses it as unworthily as you do. So it should be believed that He, with the spirit of His mouth and His immense power, will slay you soon, you false and venomous serpent, and destroy you along with all your corrupt and evil offspring, followers, false prophets and seducers that you keep with you.

Therefore, through the passion of Christ, I beg everyone who follows the true way of salvation, not to sway at all from his purpose and persevere in his growth in the faith and glory of Jesus, in his gospel made known to us through the true and infallible witness of his holy apostles whom, as John says, he chose as harvesters of the seed sown by the holy patriarchs and prophets. Therefore he will give us everlasting peace and rest at the right place and time. He will not long suffer your crook[111] iniquitous shepherd, except to bear as much fruit from it as He can, and train His just and elect whom He always sustains with His strength. He will never permit them to be confused and helps them in their weakness. For from the beginning He has ordained that His faithful will never have more persecution than they can bear. And that everything result in His greater glory, He who is true beginning, means and end, the preserver and teacher of all things in whom, through whom and for whom all things are ordered.

Returning therefore to our subject: to describe your life, false pontiff. I say that it is quite well known that in your youth[112] Pope Innocent Cybo[113] imprisoned you for two murders: for the death of your mother, whom you poisoned, and then for the servant who knew all about it and whom you cruelly had suffocated. This is something truly irreligious in every city[114] and in every race of people. For this reason, when you fled from the Castello[115] with the help of that Bombardier and the Priest who brought the ropes and whom you rewarded so badly, since the Pope could not give you the death you deserved, the present cardinal Cybo was wisely worried about whether revenge would be taken upon him, because he knows your perfidious nature and that you are extremely vindictive. Therefore he wisely fled from you.

Then you should remember the contrivances by which you came to the dignity of the Cardinalate. The College[116] had already rejected you three times. However, since your sister, Lady Giulia Farnese sent a plate of macaroni alla Romanesca[117] to Pope Alexander and sent him a message to tell him that he truly was a fool to let the cardinals contradict him in this matter. And she swore that she would never go to him again. In the next consistory, since desire was stronger in him than reason, he unworthily created you cardinal.[118] But this was not right, since you had killed your mother for the sake of worldly honour, as has been said. Then it was not right for you to bring your own sister to that Pope so that you could rise in dignity, after having tasted[119] the same water from that Farnese fount both before and afterwards. Nor should you have nurtured enmity with Sig. Renzo da Ceri.[120] As Cardinal you used to wear a cowl reinforced with chain-mail because he would have poisoned your sister who brought no small dishonour to his house. You should also remember the rape and deceit you committed against the mother of Pier Luigi.[121] Then you were Legate to the Marches at the time of Julius II[122] You gave her to believe that you were a gentleman relative of the legate. In disguise you pretended to marry her before phony witnesses. Later, secretly that night, in the course of things, you cap fell off your head. When she touched your Cardinal tonsure she began to shriek inconsolably.[123] This was the reason behind your persecution of Ravenna.[124] He had some of his relatives hung. You then treated him with vengeance, as everyone knows[125].

Remember also in Castel Sant’Angelo when Clement VII was prisoner there.[126] The Cardinal of Ancona, Ravenna’s uncle,[127] said in the presence of the Pope that you were a foul member of the church, because you were a Cardinal in the style already described and for having killed your mother and one of your nephews in order to have all the Farnese estate. Pope Julius wanted to have you tried for this, but you were freed at the intercession of the Cardinal of Santa Sabina.[128] All these injuries you brought against your nephew and his family, unjustly taking Nepi from him.[129]

You must also remember that very wicked act when Sig. Nicola della Rovere[130] found you in that compromising situation[131] with Lady Laura Farnese, your niece and his wife, in Gallése.[132] He pounced on you with a dagger and he wounded you on the throat where the scar can still be seen by anyone who looks at you carefully. And then the frequent erotic assignations with your beloved daughter Constanza[133] because she appeared very beautiful to you. Since he was not accustomed to forgive[134] easily, and so that you could better enjoy yourselves together, you poisoned Bosio Sforza[135] her husband who had become aware of your old practice. Therefore when he was alive, he was rarely seen to have a smile on his face, since he had no joy at all because he was the son-in-law of a Pontiff in such a happy state.[136]

You must also remember[137] your many[138] acts of simony with all sorts of people during your Cardinalate. This is borne out by the sale of the Priorate in Spain to Lodovico Torres Spagnolo, as well as many others you did with Sig. Antonio della Rovere and the Archbishop of Benevento[139] his brother[140] and with others too. Since they were so many[141] and were known to the Roman Court and to the world[142], I’d like to omit them now so as to arrive at what is more important. And first here is the ingratitude that you showed your predecessor Clement. Besieged in Castel Sant’Angelo he chose you as representative to the Emperor to secure his release.[143] First you imposed on him the condition that you would not go unless Clement accepted your first grandson to the vacant see of Parma. At that time your nephew was only ten years old.[144] Clement was solemnly outwitted by you because in Genoa you pretended to be ill. Against all sound charity and the duty of Christian law[145] you left your superior to perish in prison so by such a subterfuge[146] to become his successor ahead of time. Nor will I now go into the enormous swamp of the unbridled[147] lust you have practised. It is much worse than that of Marcus Antonius Commodus the Heliogabalus.[148] The clear evidence of this are the many children you have both secretly and publically. I could name them all if I wanted, but out of respect I will remain silent about them. I am afraid since you created some of them Cardinals and they might be your successors.[149]

But tell me wicked Shepherd, did it seem to you a Christian thing to do when Clement left you legate in Rome. To make a square in front of your house you destroyed so many houses and did not pay for some for them.[150] You were not content with that. During your pontificate too and for your own expansion,[151] with the frenzy of Latin Juvenal[152] and the Florentine Boccaccio,[153] destroyers of the poor, you destroyed half of Rome to the great detriment of thousands of poor persons. For this reasons they go begging or have died[154] with their families. In this you imitate Nero, who destroyed his home town to make his house more beautiful.[155] He practiced the same cruelty that truly compares with the cruelty you showed to your servant, Binca from Parma.[156] For many years he served you during your Cardinalate. You had him killed unjustly. And according to some you probably did this with your own hand. When Cardinal[157] Salviati wanted to expel you because of the acrimonious dispute over Jola[158] Abbey in Piacenza[159], you made quite an outcry about it with Clement. Because of his kindness, the matter went no further. And because of this your intimate servant[160] Giulio de Grandi, who had been held prisoner, was quickly released thanks to that Pope’s goodness. You would not have done anything like this to any Cardinal or other rich Prelate.[161]

And here I move on to the immense and excessive greed that you have always had during your Pontificate. You have practised it shamelessly as if it were your least sin. I will not remind you about all the rebukes you gave to many Cardinals over the same thing,[162] since you, you demented old man, did more than any to introduce this practice to the College.[163] But I will not pass over the significant comment made by the elderly Santi Quattro.[164] You imprisoned Pier Luigi in Ronciglione because he would not accept your son Ranuccio as successor to the[165] estate. Finding no[166] way to persuade you thanks to[167] your usual cruelty and your stubborn refusal to release him, Santi Quattro said to you: My Lord, this will lose you the pontificate. If this is how you treat your own son, what will you do to others. Consequently he was immediately[168] released from prison.[169]

In this matter I am reminded of the comment by the Cardinal of Aracoeli when the foolish cardinals even wanted to elect you Pope at the time of Adrian.[170] He said, “Watch what you are doing my Lords because for sixteen years I have heard his confession.[171] If any thought themselves wise they would have remembered and later[172] not made the mistake the second time. However God took away their sense so that under you, wild beast, they would do penance for their grave sins, just as most of them have now already done.[173] I also remember the immense extravagance you used in Parma, your spouse, where you wanted to sing your first Mass. You were not ashamed to remove the coat of arms of Cardinal Alessandrino[174], former bishop of that city, from the very beautiful vestment there, so as not to have a new one made[175], as is usually done on such solemnities. Then you attached your own coat of arms to it.[176]

In[177] conclusion[178] I say that you exceeded even Lot in your wickedness[179]. He slept with his daughters, but knew nothing about it since he was drunk[180]. You, however, have knowingly done this repeatedly with your daughter, your sister and your niece, as is said above. You have even surpassed David in the case of Uriah. David did penance, but you have done none. You enjoyed your daughter and Bosio’s wife for many years.[181] You have surpassed Cain because he became very well aware[182] of his sin[183]. Having killed your mother for the sake of worldly honour, you however think you have done nothing. You even surpassed Absalom. Because of his lust for power he persecuted his father, enjoying his concubine. But you, with less excuse and with impertinence have always schemed to get the Pontificate. You have used your [184]own flesh and blood more than once. So by killing your mother because of your immodesty, as I said, you informed the world of the pleasant fact[185] that you were born of adultery, as is typical of your family. You also surpassed David’s son Amnon.[186] Although he raped his sister, he later hated the sin as an abomination. You though have become incorrigible by persevering continuously[187] along a path so familiar to you already. You have exceeded Rueben too. He defiled his father’s concubine[188]. After Jacob’s death and the blessing, for the sake of his posterity, he did not persevere in doing evil as you do. For just as the prophet says when he speaks about Judah:[189] no place, tree, city or villa remains in Italy today that you, with indecency and grave scandal,[190] have not contaminated with you immense lust and wicked life, without regard for your age,[191] condition or dignity.

As already said,[192] these things are a public scandal. Moreover no allowance can be made for them as with those who err in their youth. When those things are discontinued however[193] God quickly forgets them. You wicked man, however, have sinned publically both in your youth and in your old age, so that many – indeed all of Italy – have been contaminated[194] by you. Hence it is appropriate to judge[195] that just as you are by erroneous ways a false vicar of God, you also perversely obey his teaching. You imitate Solomon. In his decrepitude he became an idolater to please his concubines. The concubine whom you have always maintained in Frascati gives ample testimony to this. During your unworthy Papacy you have had a daughter with her.[196] I say this so that you do not claim to be doing what is said about David and his Shunammite[197]: to help manage your ill humours in your obstinate and ever more perverse old age.[198] Today these that they have ruined all the noble Italian families subject to the Church, except for the one you forgave.[199] In that one you found a subject like yourself, the Duke of Urbino, before he took your niece as wife.[200] The Colonna, the Orsini, the Baglione, Varano, Rossi, Pallavicini – all of them give credence to this. For no other reason than the instigation of your daughter Constanza you ruined the Abbot of Farfa.[201] And you took Camerino from Urbino to give it to Ottavio[202] and broke your promises to the Varano. Not satisfied with this injury to them you also injured them in other ways that are not to be mentioned.[203] And the Rossi, at the instigation of your old concubine, Laura Pallavicini. And the Colonna. At the time of Adrian[204] you blocked Cardinal Colonna from the Pontificate. Christ tells us that we must leave father and mother, children and our houses to follow him and explains that otherwise ‘they cannot[205] reach the kingdom of heaven’.[206] Not only have you not observed this precept as one who should have given example to others in this[207] you, but you have contradicted the name Christian to increase the wealth of your bastard children and successive generations[208] to the tenth degree, something so hateful according to the old law. There is no kind of wickedness that you have not practised, tolerating so many abominable vices which today have filled the world with an unbearable stench, while still giving to your family every kind of title for which they are neither competent nor deserving according to either divine or human law.

What shall we say about that intolerable wickedness of your son, Pier Luigi? He killed that holy and learned young bishop of Fano[209] in such a way that I almost dare contemplate not to describe it, since Paul says that ugly and unfitting words corrupt good manners.[210] You not only tolerated this, but you absolved him from such an enormity and for having sacked his own patria Rome along with others[211] as the Bishop of Cesena[212] and Jacobo Cortese know. They kept notes about it. As accomplices in the affair they will be held to account for it before God.[213] And your absolution will have whatever value it can. Oh sad and senseless Shepherd! Because of your office shouldn’t you have at least imitated the children of Israel, as in the Book of Judges? They were so displeased that the sons of Benjamin had killed the wife of the Levite from Ephraim with their unbridled lust that after taking up arms they killed them all except for three hundred.[214] Shouldn’t you have also remembered that Phinehas, son of Eleazar, earned the high priesthood for having killed Zimri and his Midianite as they were caught in the act[215]. By his action he placated the roused anger of God.[216] Heavens, one can’t believe that this abominable[217] act displeased His Divine Majesty more than the person who displayed so much hostility towards the Pentapolis.[218] Heavens, was it not more fitting for you as the Vicar of God[219] to kill this false monster by means of justice?[220] Instead you not only absolved him of such wickedness but enhanced[221] him with yet more dignities and wealth! – directing him continuously through all of Italy, to the enormous scandal of your neighbour. Finally you stripped the church to honour him with the titles of Prince and Duke of two such renowned and honoured cities.[222] However God did not tolerate that the two cities be subject to such an unworthy and wicked beast for long before the death of such a harsh tyrant by means of the honourable dagger of Count Giovanni Anguissola.[223] This was to let you see what you should have done,[224] and that you should abandon flesh for its shadow and that all your wisdom is carnal.[225] You are even worse than Ahab who killed Naboth[226] in order to have the vineyard just as you did in order have the possessions of Ravenna[227] as well as other worthy Prelates. Ahab humbled himself before God and merited forgiveness. To have the possessions of Medici[228] and of the Camerlengo,[229] you had them poisoned without any visible conversion of your life. You are even worse than Abimelech who killed seventy brothers.[230] To lord it over the possessions of others you have done violence against Francesco Del Nero;[231] against Lady Lucrezia Salviati,[232] hunting her from her[233] home with the aid of armed men[234]; against Giacomo Balduccio,[235] whom you assassinated with your executioners Pierantonio da Cesena and Alessandro Pallentero your Vianesi;[236] and against the Bishop of Como[237]; against the Archbishop of Amalfi;[238] against Francesco and Catelano Gallerati; against Paolo Serraglio and countless others about whom I keep silent for the sake of brevity. And don’t you know, you wicked old man, that God must punish you as he did with Korah, who opposed his superiors.[239] For you could not bear to submit to the Council in any way. And so while externally you verbally gave the impression that you wanted it, with your actions you were working the opposite. Don’t you also know that you should be swallowed by the earth like Dathan and Abiram?[240] For even though it finally[241] appears that you are working for peace, you are continuously at work behind the scenes to keep dissention alive among the Christian princes. That Siena has experienced this many times is a clear demonstration;[242] as well as the agreements that you wanted to make with the king of France to incite him to go against the Turks so as to have Piacenza back. There where you thought your family would be exalted, God wanted its final ruin. You nurtured Caesar[243] and stripped the Most Illustrious Don Ferrante Gonzaga[244] and his family of their splendour. God will preserve it by his many good works because he has to uproot your counterfeit and venomous progeny. You must recognise this clearly from all the conspiracies you have plotted against (Gonzaga) and you have not been able to realise any of them.

You have the name of Paul, yes, but not his results. He always criticised giving scandal[245] to one’s neighbour. In your wickedness,[246] however, you are not ashamed to have established family ties publically with the Emperor. In the presence of the Roman nobility, and with a notarised contract for Cortese,[247] you gave his daughter a dowry of three hundred thousand scudi only to have her tried later for witchcraft and commit a thousand outrages against him as you have always done. With torture and poison you killed that poor monk of Pallavicino.[248] Therefore, by the judgement of God, where you thought you’d find in her the real foundation of your family, she has been its destruction. And you must also remember that in just one morning you gave sixty thousand ducats as dowry for the four Santa Fiora sisters, your grand-daughters.[249] You know very well, you incorrigible fool in sin, that you did not take this money Valentano, Canino or Capodimonte.[250] You took them instead from the poor church, wastefully dissipating her assets fruitlessly, even to her infinite detriment. For this you should be deposed like Baldassero Cossa.[251] You are continuously sucking the blood of your poor subjects, causing infinite harm and scandal to everyone by weighing new taxes every day. These have miserably laid waste to all the communities of the church; and all the while your are selling jubilees and indulgences. Just like Gehazi[252] who wanted to sell[253] health to Naaman, I hope these result in leprosy for you with the destruction of all your descendants.[254] Nor were you ashamed – you, openly perverse and infamous – to have made provision of forty thousand scudi per annum for your vile and shameful Pier Luigi with the title of gonfaloniere of the church.[255] You gave his son Ottavio thirty[256] thousand scudi and have made similar provision fo all the Farnese ladies,[257] and to Santa Fiora.[258] Then you say that the inhuman Turks will overwhelm poor Italy[259] just to impose more tyrannical taxes on the papal states, which a full of your sham bulls.[260] Every day these produce so many intolerable burdens for your people and cause the greatest scandal everywhere.[261] These burdens are the real enemies to humanity and to Christian faith. They are so much evil and extortion – with three hundred thousand scudi per year in perpetuity,[262] or again with salt or with harvests, tithes, tributes,[263] fees and other similar impositions. These weigh burdens and bring destruction everywhere. Under you ecclesiastical freedom has become a miserable servitude. And then you allowed[264] the Turkish armada to pass unhindered through the papal state the last time that Barbarossa was in our seas. Because of the secret bargains you strike[265] with the infidels, it is only reasonable that your opportunity to use such false pretences[266] in your decrees will be removed and you will need to find other ploys.

Paul says that if by eating meat you think you are scandalising your neighbour, do not even taste it. You, however, with grave and general scandal to Christianity, have not been ashamed to marry off one of your grand-daughters to Girolamo Orsini[267] who, taking advantage of trust,[268] killed his brother. By this wicked marriage you give approval to similar evil deeds. Nor did you worry about selling Modena and Reggio to the Duke of Ferrara, which you never acquired for the church. Nor did you worry about alienating Parma and Piacenza.[269] Even Clement would have been ashamed to do that. But perhaps God, who disposes and governs all things kindly by his own means, unexpectedly permitted[270] this so as to begin some sound reform of Christianity.[271] For you have been reduced[272] to such blindness that you are not ashamed[273] to carry out all those things that others were too ashamed to do and refrained from doing them.[274] When the church has some urgent need it is quite permissible, according to human and divine law, to use the goods of its subjects. But not just to to increase the wealth of such a numerous and infamous family like yours. You take up arms so unjustly against those who do not want to pay or who cannot pay such heavy burdens. Poor Perugia, Fermo and Sig. Ascanio Colonna are proof of this.[275] No less important is the precept[276] given for subjects and servants to obey a superior or that of the behaviour[277] of masters toward servants: do not do anything that will scandalise or cause undue affliction to the subject or to the inferior. In many places Paul speaks to servants and then to masters about what is fitting for each of them to do. There he protests[278] at length and rationally, I believe, against anyone of these who would bypass such a divine regulation. So a heavily taxed man, when there is[279] such obvious and open oppression like yours against your subjects, can and should oppose it. For when Rehoboam divided his kingdom with these means and the people rebelled against him, God did not allow him to take vengeance against them with arms because they did not deserve such punishment. Rehoboam had given them more than enough cause,[280] as the one to transgress this divine tradition first.[281] Through Ardinghelli[282] you knew[283] quite well how to rebuke the King of France because of the association he had[284] with the protestants and with the infidels, and with the Emperor and England too. You complained about it many times.[285] But all the while you were not aware of your own very notable defects. Even if they may have some excuse, they are no less evil.

Well then, tell me you wicked man, how you think you can be the vicar of Him who says that His kingdom is not of this world;[286] and who declares that his brothers, mother and father are only those who do the will of His Father;[287] and who rejects the petition of the Zebedees made with ill-will. As your actions show, you have placed all your care in abominable and sensual things. Just to leave an inheritance[288] to your great and famous posterity you have used the shield of the religion of Christ with great affront to fulfil such an unfitting desire. Are you not aware, you wretch, of what the prophet says? The impious, like you, cannot reign long on the face of the earth. Ultimately the good will possess the earth because God never abandons them. Are you not aware, I ask, that He laughs at your vain plans and will destroy them at the right time and place with his infinite wisdom and goodness? Haven’t you also read how only those who did justice and who have been good will enter God’s tabernacle? You can’t be among them, you wicked man.[289] Don’t you know that the heart of the impious is like a stormy sea? In the scriptures the wicked man is likened to the grass of a field that is green in the morning, and which in the evening is cut down, dried out and like dust before the wind.[290] Don’t you also know that the place of the wicked, even if he appears[291] to be enthroned on high, will not be found when the good look for his place? Because the wicked cannot last. Don’t you also know that the few riches of the just and good person are better than are the great wealth of a sinner like you? God preserves and increases these few riches of the just, but he destroys those of the sinner in quick time. The worthy and holy Lorenzo, in whose office you placed Cardinal Farnese as his successor, administered the church finances very well. With that successor you have not administered them except as family property. You wretches, if things past teach about the things that follow, are you not aware that this will result in so much fire? For the eyes of the Lord are always upon the just to guide their way, and he turns his ear to their prayers. When they are oppressed by the wicked,[292] it is necessary for them pray to the Lord continuously to free them. And so He who cannot break His promises will turn His face[293] against all of you[294] others born from such false and poisonous seed so as to extinguish your name from the earth. Don’t you also know that it is written: the good will cry out against the wicked before God and they will be heard, both in this world, I say, as in the next. For by His goodness He wants them persecuted to refine them, and not to eliminate them as you try to do. You cold-hearted old man, haven’t you seen so many[295] earlier examples in your predecessors who have had a similar attitude, and the results of their foolish scheming? Therefore why do you stir up the anger of God and the Christian princes with their poor regard for you by pursuing what reason dictates you should avoid? Don’t you know what Paul says: that He[296] awaits your penitence with kindness and patience? Don’t you know that in these things you are amassing for yourself, hour by hour, a treasure of His just anger, especially on the day of His infallible, truthful and universal judgement? Paul commanded that bishops not be innovators in the faith of Christ and that those who have behaved well in such an office would be promoted[297] to greater dignity in the church. You observe another rule, however. You promote diviners and astrologers[298] as Cardinals[299] and to bishoprics.[300] Your gaving Simoneta,[301] Savelli,[302] your grandsons[303] and Borgia[304] seven or eight bishoprics each bears this out. Even if you have promoted[305] some virtuous person to any dignity, it cannot be denied that you did it for a wicked reason. And to block the old Cardinals who are thinking about being Pope, with new creations[306] you try to use the same approach that you follow in all your affairs.[307] Moreover, to compensate for the few good cardinals you have made so many wicked ones. You deserve no commendation for this, especially for having soon finished off Contarini[308] with poison, that lover of truth, because he was too liberal.

What greater injury can the church of God [309] feel than to have Gambara[310] created cardinal at the request of that infamous and wicked son of yours,[311] epitome of treachery and true imitator[312] in vice[313]; and Rimini[314], who openly prostitutes himself to other men;[315] and Acquaviva,[316] notorious in every form of lust; Parisio,[317] public perjurer; Ghinucci[318] and Simonetta,[319] for having assassinated Ravenna;[320] and Monte,[321] living publically with a concubine and imitator of sodomy; and Sfondrato.[322] No law, however badly interpreted, may defend your false opinions in which you have really imitated your author, Alessandro,[323] who also for similar reasons created Cardinal Alessandro. But do not worry about what will happen to you, about what you deserve to receive because of your creations. Because some of them, if they outlive you, will destroy your family. In his just judgement, God often allows[324] the perverse schemes of wicked men to be destroyed by the very means they judge and choose to be the best and most suitable to realise their wicked intentions. He does this to let us understand that He is the moderator, governor, beginning, middle and end of everything. As Paul says, without Him we are incapable of thinking anything. Be sure that this is inevitable. For you have prized the blessing of Esau more than that of Jacob; and because you have laid greater store in your wealth of temporal goods rather than in the love of God and the goodwill of peoples and friends. Don’t you remember the wise saying? No kingdom can ever be safe without the goodwill of men.

But now to come what is more important, that is, to prove by way of summary that you cannot be called Vicar of Christ in any way whatsoever, but vicar of the devil.[325] I will say that you have often emptied the coffers of Loreto,[326] which I consider worse than speaking against images and the veneration of the saints.[327] With many assassins[328] from every country You have laid snares to kill Lord Don Ferranate Gonzaga. Then to balance so many wicked acts you now unjustly oppress Cardinal Morone. Through Count Galeotto Sogliano[329] and Ringera the doctor[330] you have often attempted to poison Ravenna.[331] You have made many fraudulent purchases of the assets of Santo Spirito and Saint Paul’s, as well as other places You used Church money while saying that it belonged to the Farnese family. You have broken many agreements made with places of devotion so as to get their money, as the testimony of Gibraleonoe del’Agnello and others shows. You do not punish crimes when they serve your purposes. The fratricide of Antonello Sanello[332] shows this, as do many others which I will not mention for the sake of brevity. Out of loyalty to the Farnese you murdered the bishop of Pavia.[333] Each day from your datary and penitentiary one hears of nothing but of theft, falsehood and fraud, and finally, in various inappropriate ways, the sale of Christ and His blood. These things have been said a thousand times without result. And so often[334] and with so little gravity you have travelled[335] throughout Italy for talks with the Princes,[336] and yet have always had some evil scheme about property.[337] For the sake of personal convenience you have not been concerned about seeing the entire Christian republic go to ruin. Paul would have it that true charity seeks the good of the other person and not one’s own. But you are always prompt at evil and your own interests, and slow and unreliable regarding the good of others. In the beginning of your Pontificate you said that you wanted to show how much the spirit, compared to the flesh, could accomplish in you. That you’ve carried out well, as has been said above. You poisoned Cardinal Cesi[338] because he opposed your pontificate. He told the other Cardinals to watch out against making the father of family Pope.[339] You have imitated the greed of Clement, and the angry outbursts and little religion of Julius, and the wickedness and slowness of Paul II; and final the cruelty and lust of your author, Alexander.[340] But you are twice as immovable and obstinate, and you never forgive. You have done nothing of merit concerning the Princes, whether secular or ecclesiastic, nor in private. You don’t like to speak (to anyone) except to speak ceaselessly with armed thugs, spies and executioners. You extol the cruellest of them, and put down the good while scheming about the property of others. You are the worst kind because you have never wanted to enter any honourable enterprise, but only to cut down and scrap with your inferiors.[341] No one can have an audience with you except someone who may want to speak with you about your interests. And if some do have an audience, it is perfunctory, and they have to listen rather than be heard. And you have clashed with Madama, your niece[342], over her honour. And because she did not want to please you, you have been at war with her continuously. And how Friar Baccio told you to your face: “You will never be satisfied trying to fill your coffers[343].” You have outraged all the Princes of Italy for no reason at all, as the Duke of Florence[344] proves. Against him you favoured the friars of San Marco, while calling him a heretic in the consistory. And similarly for the Duke of Mantua[345] and the Duke of Ferrara.[346] You denied sustenance to the wife of Napoleone Orsini.[347] You began to build Saint Peter’s slowly – not out of zeal, but to have more opportunity to sell indulgences. You have despised the world with these reforms you wanted with your will that everyone knows about. Reform should begin first with you. In Castel Sant’Angelo you installed a Bronze Bull.[348] Nothing is heard there all day except the screams of the poor people so unjustly tortured. You created made many poor and unworthy Cardinals in order to make them Farnese stooges[349] and to create a successor who would be benevolent towards your family. When you do evil to someone you only take advice from his enemies. Just ss Nero persecuted many Christians to clear himself regarding the fire of Rome you also do the same. To clear yourself about the poison given to Cesi, Medici and others, you have persecuted many persons. You are big on making promises, but very unreliable in giving attention where your own interests are not involved. You have been another Tiberius for our times, but worse in that he had know knowledge of the light and of the faith of Christ, which you treat as darkness. You have offended everyone when no one has offended you. Against every law both human and divine and against all custom, with such a stubborn and malevolent intention, and you tried to arrange your successor to the Papacy, wishing to bequeath it as an inheritance to your family. You were not satisfied with this. Since because of Caesar’s[350] goodness your idea did not turn out, you are trying with all your might to well and truly destroy Italy’s reputation and have the Papacy after you move to France.[351] You have made two brothers into Cardinals, citing[352] the example of two Colonna,[353] proving that they were brothers by their likenesses in a painting in Anagni. You have not helped the Princes against infidels[354] except with words. You violated the will of Trivulzio[355] who made you pope. And you so gravely outraged the Bishop of Verona, who died in Scotland in the service of the apostolic See,[356] by removing his secretary, on whom he relied to become Archbishop of Florence[357]. You have always kept your subjects in famine for your own gain and that of your family. By means of Alessandro Vitelli[358] you have killed many Italians who died of hunger in the war in Magna[359] to defeat the Emperor. You had Giulio Cybo[360] beheaded because of your betrayals. You approved the imposing barracks of Manfrone.[361] You gave permission to Pier Antonio of Cesena to leave his wife so that you could make him bishop. You dispensed Ermete Stampa to take a wife, even though he was in sacred orders. This is something that you usually treat as unlawful. And you did this so that your nephew Farnese could be the coadjutor of bishopric of Novara.[362] Undeservedly you have claimed to be noble, but have thus wickedly persecuted the nobility. For a long time up to the present day none of your predecessors has had the same opportunity to be good as you have had. Nonetheless there has been no one in the past three hundred years who has been as wicked as you. You imitate so well the wickedness of another Roman Pontiff like you and called Nicholas III, of the Orsini family.[363] Authors say he brought to an end the real good of many holy Pontiffs who went before him, so that he was justly called a squanderer of the church. You have not resolved public and private enmities, as is your office to do. In fact, you have nurtured them.[364] Shamefully and with little regard for your office you have spent time organising banquets.[365] You have harboured rancour towards Stefano Colonna[366] because he disagreed with your distribution of Fermo and Perugia, which you did for revenge and personal gain; but more so because he changed his mind about marrying Constanza[367] – when he came to learn about her life – when you wanted to give her to him. Finally your thoughts focus on enhancing the life, wealth and greatness of your family. You provoke the good and support the wicked while accumulating money, placing your hope in the uncertainty of worldly riches and being a dedicated follower of Astrology. This is a detestable thing. Moreover it is faithlessness in a Pastor.

I intend to prove now[368] by every known means that you do not deserve the Pontificate, like Baldassare Cossa.[369] For this and other reasons, you deserve to lose you status – or rather, you have justly lost the pontificate ipso iure. With your evil life and the worst example you do not wish to enter heaven nor let others enter. Like Jeroboam[370] you worship created things rather than the Creator, and do not allow God to be worshipped in Jerusalem. You ban sound doctrine and books to those who want to follow Christ. Like Ahab you imprison good religious while you exalt and believe the wicked, as Ahab did to Zedekiah.[371] If you are not afraid of the truth, you would do as is done here where no one is forbidden to read what he wants so as to better discern true from false. To prove the truth of this opinion I make this conclusion. Anyone who follows astrology and divination does not believe in God. Consequently, in the opinion of everyone, he cannot be called either Pope or Christian because the one who does not believe is already judged. Leaving aside the debate about whether you are universal Pastor or a mere Bishop, it is true in any case that by scandalising the world, as has been said, you are subject to the council. There is no need to talk about these things now and they can be left to their proper time and place. But you follow no other path than that of Astrology. I do not think I will to prove this since these notorious things universally scandalous have no need of proof, such as the elevation of Cecio of Santa Croce, called Marcello da Montepulciano.[372] You gave gifts and dignities to Gaurico[373], and to the Portuguese Astrologer,[374] and for having made Bishop that friar of Saint Paul, a disciple of Paride da Ceresara,[375] astrologer from Mantua; and you made Agostino Recuperati of Faenza,[376] the General of St. Dominic. All of these professed the art,[377] along with many others, about whom I shall remain silent for the sake of brevity. All this confirms the public and universal opinion about you. According to this it is reasonable to imagine that no one should have any doubt, since you have always confirmed it yourself. And now more than ever. For when you bestowed the gonfalone on your grandson Ottavio in Aracoeli you waited for the alignment of the constellations. In doing so you caused such a scandal to the bystanders.[378] By this action, so opposed to the Christian religion, you justly deserve to be deposed from the Papacy.

However, returning to the proof of our conclusion. Because you do not take any action without the observation of angles[379], times and horoscopes is, I say, clear evidence that you do not believe in God, but that you are a servant of the devil. The prophet Jeremiah demonstrates this. He teaches us not to fear any sign in the heavens and declares that the rules of the people who observe these things are vane. And in that place Jerome clearly holds that those who believe that something depends upon the heavenly bodies they observe, are adoring created things and not the Creator. They are faithless because these things have only been made to indicate the years, months and days. They have no ability to work except as God wills. He affirms that faith cannot take up with such observations and those who do so are the worst kind, like Herod and Pharaoh. In the scriptures they only observe horoscopes about their birth, believing some stars to be benign and others not, as if they might either benefit or harm people. This opinion displeased our Ancients so much that Origin, so as not to attribute anything to the moon, which according to doctors greatly harms bodies in their illnesses, said that the devil was the one who cleverly did such things to human infirmity. During the wane and wax, the decrease and increase of the moon the devil is marvellously quick to darken our minds and to lead them along and have them believe in heavenly bodies. For this reason, Origin says about the lunatic healed by Christ that he only suffered because of the devil and not the moon. In his commentary on chapter 15 of Exodus he says that similar observations of the stars are harmful, faithless and an Egyptian[380] weakness. This art is prohibited for no other reason. In the last chapter of John, Christ[381] reprimands Peter who wanted to know about the death of the same John. The Apostles are reprimanded in the same way for wanting to know in advance about the restoration of the kingdom of Israel. He told them it was not their place to know the secrets of times and moments which God had reserved to his power. In chapter X of Book V in The City of God Augustine has demonstrated the vanity of observing determined points as you do in your actions. When Augustine was answering some who said that the truth is often known by means of astrology and similar observations, he clearly says this does happen sometimes, but by the work of the devil. By means of secret pacts, which exist in that art, the devil reveals some things that he knows must happen, even if the astrologers are unaware of such pacts. Many of the sacred doctors affirm this to be through the devil’s knowledge and operation. This is written,[382] I say, in the second book of Sentences at the eighth distinction. The Doctors attest to the incubi and succubi demons.[383] Saint Augustine also says the same in the second book on Christian Doctrine. Lirano[384] examined the above-mentioned pacts where he debates the casting of lots that fell to Matthias.[385] His opinion is easily known. Can someone be universal pastor or not, if because of this art, he has made deliberate pacts with the devil, even if in secret? By following such an art, as John says, they cannot even be saved.[386] Saint Thomas judges soothsaying astrology to be superstition because of that pact, which Augustine speaks about when he calls those who follow this pact servants of the devil.

And what is said now about that pact does not seems strange. For as Matthew shows in chapter XX, God says, ‘Did you not agree with me about the reward of the work? Therefore there should be no arguing if you have your due.’[387] From this testimony, as from many others, it is manifestly evidnet that God has made a pact with us for good works. Similarly, in evil, the devil could have made one for such wicked works as this one. However, I do not make him Lord of evil, and so establish two principles like Mani.[388] But I do say this[389] so that what is said about such a pact may not appear hard. Cajetan says that these are the ones who observe the celestial points regarding their birth date and actions.

This is explained better yet in the old law in chapter XXII of Exodus where it says: “You will not allow sorcerers or soothsayers to live,”[390] because by virtue of the said secret pact it is very clearly shown that they are truly sorcerers when they have some dealing, clandestine or open, with the devil. Better than any other place, Numbers[391] shows this very clearly. Such an art cannot be tolerated in the Scripture, because when the Scripture speaks of the people of Israel it says that in Israel there is no fortune telling nor divination. Because God loves Israel, when God thinks it is time He reveals to Israel what is needed for people to know, that and no more.

And if I should want to cite all the authorities of sacred scripture that agree in this I would write a book, not just a letter. However, I am satisfied with these few so that it will be manifest to the world what you must be,[392] especially for the public scandal that you give in all your actions, particularly[393] in this. I will now move on to say four more words about your profession of the art of magic. The exaltation and close friendship that you have had with Fra Dionisio, Fra Jacono Nachianti,[394] Fra Bernardino Calino[395] of Brescia – as well as the demons you found with Pier Luigi at his death[396] – all clearly show that you deserve to be deprived of that dignity.[397] For among the Ancients, even the Gentiles, this profession was something so abominable that the Christians were condemned for the accusation of being magicians and sorcerers,[398] as Ambrose testifies openly when speaking about Angesa. Also Apollonius of Tyana,[399] when accused of the same thing, strove with all his strength to have that smear removed. And Apuleius was compelled, when he was accused, to defend himself so that he would not be condemned as a magician.[400] They did this with good reason. They knew the demons, as deceivers, to be so strong that many times they cause in our air where they live many plagues and storms. Because of this Paul calls them spirits who have power over the air. And God has called them Princes of this world who have no part in him.[401]

Therefore if those who did not know about true happiness and had no knowledge of God nor even the sacred writings abhorred this, how can it be tolerated by Christians? One of these calls himself head of the Church and is not ashamed to practice this art, continuous conjuring demons and supporting those who profess this art. According to the word of God, since they are the ones who scandalise their neighbour, they should die and be taken from the world, with no exception for the Pontiff or any other person of whatever kind in the world. To better understand how detestable this art is, we should know that the devil’s desire is to be adored like God so that he can fulfil what he said in the beginning: “I will be the Heaven above the stars and I will exalt my throne. I shall be like the Most High.” [402]And because of this he never stops trying to seduce people to adore him. So that they can do this practictioners display themselves to be something almost like God, as in their love for chastity. Apollonius of Tyana was quite committed to this, as is evident in his life. Hence it happens that he seems to delight in chaste persons when revealing hidden things and predicting future things. Isaiah showed that this belongs only to God when he said, “Tell us what must be and we will know that you are gods.’[403] He also produces the sign of raising the dead just as the sorceress[404] did. According to the opinion of some about Samuel,[405] and as Linus says about Simon the Magician,[406] as well as many other things such as bestowing wealth or moving the earth with unusual earthquakes – by these misleading signs men then believe to have such power. For as has been said, according to Paul, it belongs properly to God alone to give life to the dead and say which things are not and which things are. All things are present to him. By believing in that art people thus[407] become slaves of the devil and completely abandon God just as you have done. These are those whom Paul rails against. He says that God tolerates them. For their greater confusion and for the greater expression of his glory He leads them into erroneous opinion, having already foreseen their evil.

Christ’s last temptation shows that the devil seeks out these things. In that temptation the devil promised Christ the whole world if Christ would fall down and adore him.[408] Abhorring this as detestable Christ sent him away and said, “You must worship one God alone.”[409] In the old law this was something so hateful that God said to Moses, “Whoever sacrifices to gods, and not the Lord, will be put to death. You shall not let that person live.” To his great praise Saul was attributed for having put the soothsayers to death, and then to the contrary he was attributed with great shame for having sought out the sorceress[410] to raise up for him the one who appeared to him. And Ahab and Ahaziah his son were gravely punished for taking counsel with Baal-Zebub, the god in Ekron.[411] And in one day three hundred Prophets of Baal were killed. When Ahaziah asked Elijah’s help he was reprimanded and told that he should go to his father’s prophets whom he worshipped. Enormous blame is ascribed to Manasseh for having consecrated his sons and making them pass through the fire, and for having permitted magicians and necromancers and similar soothsayers[412] to live in his kingdom. And Hezekiah[413] and Josiah[414] are highly praised for having put an end to them. And in the new testament Christ declares just how illicit this when he does not permit the demons to tell him that he is the son of God. In fact He did not even want to accept the witness of the devil. In doing this He gave us a lesson that we must not accept any help at all from demons even if they appear to want to help us. He teaches us the same thing in Saint Luke chapter XXII when he declares that the adversary had asked of God to beat us like wheat in a sieve so that in our trials we might lose faith.[415]

Paul shows to the Ephesians that our war in not only against the flesh but the spirits of the air,[416] against that invisible spiritual power. We are to have no contact with it like you do, because they always incite to evil. As the Apostle Peter says, “Brother, be sober and vigilant, because your adversary the devil, like a roaring lion, is continuously wanting to devour you[417] and lead you to sin. This is demonstrated from the temptation of Job and from the Evangelist in his Apocalypse, where he says, “Woe to the inhabitants of the earth because he has freed the devil.”[418] This shows that we must live with the devil as our constant enemy and deceiver. Just as anyone is a traitor to his Lord if who approaches his enemy and seeks his support. Thus one who seeks help from the devil by any clandestine and occult means is certainly rebelling against God and is an enemy to His faith, and is deprived ipso jure from every dignity and the name of Christian. You worried that you had not died on 5 May as Ceresara[419] had predicted for you. Believe me, this will result in the high and immortal God reserving the greatest punishment for you. He delays punishment because of the gravity of the judgement. The desire to kill your members, because of the many injuries done to others which has largely been their fault, as you know full well, will be a good pretext for this.[420] Add to this how you attribute to the devil what is proper to God. You worship him and therefore you have taken on the characteristics of the beast that John describes. On his head is the spirit of blasphemy. And blasphemy is to sin against the Holy Spirit that is death, and for which one should not pray,[421] since as Christ says, it is sin that is unforgiveable[422] in this world[423] and in the next. In no way then do you deserve such dignities as Christian or head of the church. Rather, you deserve to be shamefully deposed and put to death, with the same happening to you as it did to Saul when he sent for the sorceress. He was put into the hands of his enemies. As punishment from them for such a sin he was forced to forfeit his life.[424] The same is evident in you. You must not be called pastor, but Antichrist.

And so to conclude my letter I now turn my words to the Christian Princes so that for the sake of our salvation they may make provision against this harm and error that touches us all. For as Paul[425] says, their imperial authority comes from God for no other reason except for the salvation of their peoples. And just as all good priests are obliged to pray for them, so it is very evident that they are made princes for the people and not the people for them. Princes are obliged to make provision for them with deeds, facts and arms when necessary, for those acts of violence for which the poor devotees of Christ cannot give any other remedy except good example and good exhortations. For in the book of Exodus, when the people of God needed help, in reply to all the prayers of Moses, God gave him the priest Aaron as companion. Nonetheless, Aaron never revealed his secrets so openly and confidently to anyone except Moses to help the hapless Hebrews. This shows how much trust he put in secular Princes rather than in others during the calamities of the people. And this is seen even more clearly in Exodus again because Moses was the one who anointed Aaron priest, giving orders through him regarding all the fundamentals of his religion. It was not Aaron who appointed or chose Moses as prince. His superiority over ecclesiastical Prelates is shown even more clearly when they do not make provision for or supervise the dedication, prayer and blessing of the temple built by Solomon since the prince is also priest according to the order of Melchizedek.

In chapter XXIII[426] of Exodus I find Aaron reprimanded by Moses for having permitted the idolatry of the calf. Surely, if he had continued obstinately in sin as you do, but his sin was committed out of fear, his brother would not only have corrected him, but also deposed him and put him to death with the other twenty-two[427] thousand whom he killed. Nor have I ever seen Aaron correct Moses. To this may be added the reference to Solomon regarding Abiathar the Priest. Solomon removed him from the priesthood[428] because of his shortcomings and substituted him with Zadok.[429] Therefore, according to Origin in his homily on Matthew XVI and Cajetan on the last chapter of St. John, an unjust Pope is a suspect Pope. Apart from the things said above, this is demonstrated by your having tolerated and your continued tolerance of such an obscene and filthy painting like the one by Michelangelo in the chapel in Rome where the divine offices have to be sung.[430] The picture would be better in a theatre or comic opera. This opinion was held by that excellent man Fregoso.[431] And since he opposed your wishes, you killed him with poison.

Therefore Most Invincible and Christian Kings and Princes, I, a most devout servant of Jesus Christ, beg you to put aside the hatred between you and give your attention to this most holy task. Bring this Antichrist, this horrendous monster, to a secure place where every good Christian may speak freely for the good of his faith For as Paul says, we are his members and Christ is our head and first-born among us his brothers, a people acquired with his precious blood. By your putting an end to the poisonous bite of this savage beast each person may produce the greatest fruit. For if you do otherwise the faithless Princes will take your place to correct you along with those who presuppose there is nothing higher than the council.[432] (In justice you should correct those). For a Jerome says, ‘The faith of Christ has not diminished as much under faithless Princes as it has had under those Princes who have professed their faith in words only, and then their actions have opposed to it.’

And you, Most Invincible Caesar,[433] be careful[434] in the concord that you are contracting with this man, because everything you give him will be used against you. May you recall the many times he deceived you when he thought you respected him[435] so that you may be aware of what he will be like now.[436]

Since I understand some authors, in histories or other kinds of composition, have taken to praise this monster, moved by mere flattery and perhaps for their own convenience and self-interest, I admonish them to be very aware not strive to contradict such an obvious truth. For their efforts will have the very reception they deserve for rendering their other undertakings obscure. Furthermore, I and other servants of Christ Jesus will be obliged to defend what is written and contained here in writing and with books in hand. Answering their flattery in this way, in this world and the one to come they will clearly know the evil nature of the one they praise, along with the him whom they will praise. Therefore let them prepare themselves for this just war so that they will have a good outcome. I am speaking about persons who will not follow endless genealogies, nor the vanities of fine style and learned, worldly sermons, but the truth of Jesus Christ. Just as Paul said that he would rather say five words that edify his neighbour and the Church with the truth, than have as much eloquence and elegance of style to compose[437] vanities and lies full of immense and unbearable flattery, as these will be unless they come into the light.

May God be praised.


  1. Marius a Mercato Saraceno (*c.1512 – † 6 May 1581), Relationes de origine Ordinis Minorum Capuccinorum, ed. Melchiorre da Pobladura, Monumenta Historica Ordinis Minorum Capuccinorum (MHOMC) vol. I, Istituto Storico OFM Cap, Assisi, 1937. The volume contains his three accounts, the third being the most extensive, “più assai pieno e disteso” (p.91, line 18).
  2. Not to be confused with the Carcere. See Francesco da Vicenza, “Le Carcerelle e i primi Cappuccini in Assisi” in Collectanea Franciscana 5(1935) 241-262.
  3. MHOMC I, 452-453: Nol trovando in palazzo, percioché sua Signoria Ill.ma era andata fuor di Camerino, parlai co’l primo de’ suoi secretari, il quale a pieno mi raccontò il tutto, dicendomi qualmente egli era fuggito in Genevra, e si distese tant’oltre nel parlare, che venne insino a dirmi della nefandissima lettera che quel presontuoso havea scritto a Sua Santità, e che pochissimi giorni avanti, in Perugia, dal Papa s’era ricevuta, dove egli diceva con tanta sfacciataggine e con falsità cose del Pontefice che non si sarebbono dette al più basso e vil chiericuccio che fusse sopra la terra, anzi cose tutte diaboliche. E non è meraviglia, perché furono scritte da un heretico, [453] dettate dal diavolo, non con l’inchiostro, no, ma con la sozzura che costoro fingono uscir dalla bocca del can Cerbero. E così con questa replicata e dolente nuova me ne tornai al Padre Frate Eusebio. Et ecco che quindi a non lungo tempo con quei sigilli passò il sopranominato Padre.Paul III was in Perugia 7-21 September 1542, “Chronache e storie inedite della città di Perugia dal mcl al mdlxiii” in Archivio storico Italiano 16(1851) seconda parte, p. 389.
  4. MHOMC I, 459: Al presente per noi incominciarono le dolenti e lagrimose noti. Il Sommo Pontefice Paolo 3° si trovava, quando fu tale fuga, e che egli hebbe così fatta nuova, e poco dopo le fu data quella sfacciatissima lettera, si trovava, dico, nella città di Perugia.
  5. MHOMC I, 468: la casa sua (Paul III as cardinal) sempre fu aperta per i Frati Cappuccini, dolendosi che poi un tristo l’havea pagato di quella buona moneta in ricompensa d’havere ancora al proprio ingratissimo Fra Bernardino scoperta sempre benignità grandissima. E qui toccò di quella bruttissima lettera, che quello sfacciato le havea scritto, dicendo questa parola formale; che ad un chierico infame non si sarebbe scritto in guisa tale.Bernardino da Colpetrazzo told the story of Paul III’s public manifestation of his close relationship to Bernardino Ochino and the Capuchins. Colpetrazzo reports Paul III to have said in St. Mark’s square in Rome, “Where Brother Bernardino is, there is Pope Paul, and where Pope Paul is, there is Brother Bernardino. If I am Pope I am so for your Congregation.” (MHOMC II, p.431-432, lines 36+.
  6. Bernardinus a Colpetrazzo (*1514 – †1594), Historia Ordinis Fratrum Minorum Capuccinorum 1525-1593, 3 vols, in Monumenta Historica Ordinis Minorum Capuccinorum (vols. II-IV) Collegio S.Lorenzo da Brindisi dei Frati Minori Cappuccini, Assisi, 1939, 1940, 1941. The two brief passages are MHOMC II, 440: “Since he (Paul III) was in the city of Perugia therefore, His Holiness heard the news of his (Ochino’s) departure from the Catholic Church from a letter that Siena (Ochino) wrote him. This upset him not a little”; MOHMC II, 448: In this way Ochino had repaid His Holiness who had always shown him the greatest kindness. ‘Not only that, he wrote me such a letter that would not even be written to a scandalous cleric.’
  7. Matthias da Salò, Historia Capuccina, ed. Melchiorre da Pobladura, Monumenta Historica Ordinis Minorum Capuccinorum vol.V-VI, Istituto Storico OFM Cap, Roma, 1946, 1950. MHOMC VI, 41-42: “It is to be believed that when he saw that he had not been made Cardinal as he hoped, to the errors that he secreted in his heart he then added a particular hatred for the Pope, which he finally expressed in his letter.” MHOMC VI, 55: “And so that nothing should be missing from the harm done (to the fraternity), Ochino was not content just with the scandal he gave with his departure. Full of the hatred he conceived against the Pope for not making him a Cardinal, in a fury he wrote a sacrilegious and profane letter to His Holiness from Florence. Anyone can just imagine how this effected the Pope who had loved and favoured Ochino so much, and with whom he had confided his secrets.”Paulus a Foligno, Origo et Progressus Ordinis Fratrum Minorum, ed. Melchiorre a Pobladura, Monumenta Historica Ordinis Minorum Capuccinorum vol.VII, Istituto Storico OFM Cap, Roma, 1955, MHOMC VII, 281: “This was a great shock to the Pope. Not happy with the scandal that his apostasy from the faith and the Order caused throughout Europe, filled with rage conceived against the Pope for not having promoted him as Cardinal and for having called him, in Florence Ochino wrote a sacrilegious and profane letter to Paul III.” MHOMC VII, 293: “Paul III “had shown their General, Fra Bernardino, special friendship and esteem. Nonetheless, this was acknowledged with such ingratitude, as was evident in his apostasy from the Order and from the faith, and from the foul letter he wrote to Paul III, which he would not have been brazen enough to write to the most notorious cleric.”
  8. MOHMC I, 453 footnote 2: Apographon huius epistolae quad Florentiae apud Bibliothecam Laurentianum servatur (Plut. 89, suo. 36, f.198 seq.), habet additam notam finalem secundum quam eam transcribere nefas est. cf. C. Cantù, Gli eretici d’Italia, Torino, vol. II, 1866, p.61. MHOMC II, 440, footnote 2: Paulus III Perusiam ingressus est die 7 sept. an. 1542, a qua civitate die 21 eiusdem mensis et anni profectus est … Florentiae in biblioteca Laurentiana (Plut. 89 sup., cod. xxxvi, f.198) servatur apographon quarumdam litterarum, vel potius opusculi, Bernardini Ochino quibus Summus Pontifex Paulus III vehementer redargitur ; cf. Benedetto Nicolini, Il pensiero di Bernardino Ochino, Napoli, p.110. MHOMC VI, 41-42, footnote 2: Apographon huius epistolae Bernardino Ochino adservatur Florentiae in biblioteca Laurentiana. Cf. MHOMC, t.I, p.452, nota 2. MHOMC VII, 281, footnote 1: Florenitae in biblioteca Laurentiana (Plut. 39, sup. cod. xxxvi, f.198) adservatur apographum quarundam litterarum, quibus Bernardinus Ochinus Summum Pontificem Paulum III vehementer redarguit. Non desunt scriptores qui authenticitatem litterarum negant. cf. Benedetto Nicolini, Il pensiero di Bernardino Ochino, p.110. The emphasis in the last sentence is mine.
  9. Cesare Cantù, Gli Eretici d’Italia. Discorsi Storici, Torino, Unione Tipografico-Editrice, 1866, Vol.II, p.61
  10. Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Pluteo LXXXIX superiore, codice 36, f.238r-260r, though the internal pagination on the letter does not following this numbering. The spine of the codex: Astrologica quædam, et Hier. Vecchietti epistolæ apolog. The Ms copy of the letter to Paul III is the last of thirteen bound together in the codex. Several are small works by Girolamo Vecchietti, mostly his defence before the Inquisition and two appeals written to Pope Urban VIII, all dated between 1622 and 1630. In the main, the rest of the codex contains small works on astrology (Astrologia Iudiciaria or predictive horoscopes, as well as astronomy.) The seventh title, dated to 4 December 1552, is a talk on Astronomy by Don Basilio Lapi, a mathematician and astronomer who promoted the reform of the calendar eventually promulgated by Gregory XIII in 1582. The contents of codex are described in the Catalogo Bandini, vol. V, columns 316-319. The Catalogo Bandini also contains this physical description of the codex: Codex chartac. Ms. In fol. Saec XV. & XVI. & XVII partim Latinus, partim Italicus, diversis manibus exaratus. Constat foliis scriptis 227.
  11. Lettera di fra Berardino (sic!) a P.P. Paolo iij.
  12. Karl Benrath, “Lettera a Paolo III – Documento sconosciuto del secolo XVI” in La Rivista Cristiana 2(1874) 257 – 272, 289-302. He notes that an earlier administration of the Library had added a note on a slip of paper attached to the Ms (apparently after the publication of the Catalogo Bandini) which reads: di questa lettera non se ne permetta la copia – this letter may not be copied. Benrath obtained permission from the Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione to study and copy the Ms.
  13. “Ora quella Lettera di cui dubito che altrove si ritrovi altra copia, benché nelle sue 45 pagine in folio contenga moltissime cose di non comune importanza per la storia della vita e dei tempi di quel Pontefice” La Rivista Cristiana 2(1874) p.274.
  14. Karl Benrath, “Lettera a Paolo III” in La Rivista Cristiana 2(1874) p.258, footnote 1, where he explains his reasons for choosing to omit some passages from the transcription: “Some of the details about the life of Paul III are so disgusting that I believe I would offend the readers of La Rivista by reproducing them literally. Therefore I have believed it to be the case simply to note the facts to which the text refers in those instances.”
  15. Benedetto Nicolini, Il pensiero di Bernardino Ochino, Napoli, Riccardo Ricciardi Editore, 1939, p.110: Uno scritto apocrifo.
  16. Benedetto Nicolini, “Ai margini dell’epistolario Ochiniano” in Biblion. Rivista di filologia, storia e bibliofilia 1(1959) III-IV, p.297-301. The author repeats these ideas verbatim in Aspetti della vita religiosa politica e letteraria del Cinquecento, Tamari Editori in Bologna, 1963, pp.98-101.
  17. See IDC online Primary Sources. The Italian Reformation Part 1: Titles from the Fondo Guicciardini, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze at www.idc.nl/pdf/506_titlelist.pdf.
  18. Guicciardini 2-6-35 is a 55 page Ms copy of the letter kept in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana. The Ms bears the heading: Biblioteca Laurenziana, Plut. LXXXIX sup./ Cod.36. [horizontal line] / Di questa lettera non se ne permette la copia / Lettera di fra Berardino (sic!) a P.P. Pa/olo iij This Ms is not listed in the IDC catalogue.
  19. Guicciardini 2-6-36 is listed by IDC as: Ochino, Bernardino, 1487-1564. Correttione evangelica di Bernardino Occhino a Paolo Terzo Pontefice Romano / copiata da un vecchio essemplare manuscritto asservato alla Bibliotheca Civica di Sangallo. [19–? ] (sic!) 108 leaves. Ms. BNCF 2-6-36.2 – 3 microfiches. Order no. IRF-66. A stamp indicates that Guicciardini 2-6-35 and 2-6-36 both formerly belonged tot he “Libreria Religiosa Guicciardini’
  20. This version bears the title: Correttione Evangelica di Berrardino Occhino a Paolo Terzo Pontifice Romano copiata da un vecchio esemplare manoscritto asservato alla Biblioteca Civica di Sangallo.
  21. Vadianische Sammlung of the Kantonsbibliothek of St. Gallen, Ms 469 (f.101r-129r). I am very grateful to Dr. Rudolf Gamper, the librarian of the Vadianische Sammlung for his assistance to identify and make available a digital copy of the Ms. The Ms is part of a codex if Mss whose provenance seems to have been in Basle
  22. The contents of both Mss are dientical, though naturally there are calligraphic differences. The San Gallo Ms is written in the older Mercator Italic and uses standard Ms abbreviations and ligatures (ct, st, et) and uses punctuation. The Florence version displays a smaller script, in a careful hand that is not always clear. (The vowels ‘e’ and ‘a’ are very similar in appearance, as are ‘t’ and ‘l’.) The text uses abbreviations far less frequently, and only a small number of them. Punctuation is almost non-existent in this Ms. In a number of instances Guicciardini 2-6-36 uses more correct spelling. In one instance the copyist corrects his transcription of a word misspelt in the Sangallo text and on many occasions uses the same idiosyncratic spelling found in the latter. The Guicciardini Ms contains some factual errors that correspond with the same in the Sangallo version. Its exact replication of content, including a number of idiosyncratic spellings, as well as the subtitle title of Guicciardini 2-6-36 – “copiata da un vecchio essemplare manuscritto asservato alla Biblioteca Civica di Sangallo – indicate that this Ms is a copy of the Vadianische Sammlung Ms 469.Clues in the letter also suggest that the Sangallo Ms is probably a copy made from an Italian exemplar. In one place the copyist exactly repeats the same phrase and punctuation after an interval of three lines (f.124v: la castità, del) or cancels a word that he has repeated by mistake from a nearby line of his exemplar (f.125v “drittamente” or f.124v: secondo la openione di alcuni di Samuel, & come Lino narra di alcuni di Samuel, & come Lino narra di Simone Mago.) These instances show that the copyist sometimes lost his place on his exemplar and repeated the same Italian words. Because of the presence of some ‘Latinisms’ Nicolini speculated that the Laurenziana Mss may have been made from a Latin exemplar, Benedetto Nicolini, Biblion 1(1959) p.298. This cannot be conclusive. VS469 has some Latinisms too, e.g. the ubiquitous Latin spelling for ‘Christ’, or the title of the letter itself: Epistola invectiva Bernardi Occhini (f.101r). In one place the copyist even corrected his Latin spelling of a word (f.104r: quantunq quantunche).
  23. Karl Benrath, “Lettera a Paolo III…”, La Rivista Cristiana 2(1874) p. 257.
  24. The Mercator Italic or Mercatore corsivo calligraphic style takes its name from the mapmaker Gerardus Mercator (*1512 – †1594). In 1540 he published a work on his italic style: Literarum latinarum, quas italicas, cursoriasque vocant, scribendarum ratio; it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gerardus_Mercator (accessed 14 April 2010).
  25. In his 1558 description of the letter Ioannes Sleidan includes the preface to Ascanio Colonna; Ioannes Sleidanus, De statu religionis et Reipublicæ, Carolo Quinto, Cæsare, Commentariorum libri xxvi, etc, Argentorati anno M.D. LVIII: Prius, quam decederet, libellus exit, vehemens in illum atque gravis, titulo quidem Bernardini Ochini, sed ab aliis, uti creditur, compositus, cum præfatione ad Ascanium Columnam, quem ille proftigarat [sic] (f.393v): “Before he (Paul III) died, a smiting letter of grave accusations came out under the name of Bernardino Ochino, but composed by others it is believed, with a preface to Ascanio Colonna, who had been exiled by Paul III.” On Johann Phillipson von Schleiden and the importance of De statu religionis, see Ingeborg Berlin Vogelstein, “Sleidanus, Johannes” in The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, Oxford University Press, 1996, vol.4, p.68-69.
  26. A synoptic comparison of text of G35 [10,067 words] (and Ben), i.e. the Laurenziana Ms, with the text of G36 and VS469 [10,757 words] shows that their contents are essentially the same, with a few differences, apart from the dedication to the Ascanio Colonna. These differences are footnoted in the translation.
  27. Benrath appeals to Raynaldo Oderico to understand why only one copy of the letter should exist: Annali ecclesiatici d’Odorico Rinaldi trivigiano, (tom. XIV, Lucca, 1775): “Paolo III ordinò ai Nunzi di portare lagnanze presso l’Imperatore di certi libri sparsi sotto il nome dell’apostato Bernardino Ochino, ed esporgli che la rabbia e l’indiscrezione di quell’eretico insieme coll’indegnità ed infamia ricadesse sulla stessa Maestà Cesarea.” However, we cannot conclude from Oderico’s comment that the ban was issued in reference to this Letter. Two other of Ochino’s works were published during this period.Two other Mss in the Fondo Guicciardini. One has the title: L’image de l’antechrist / compose en langue Italiene par Bernardino Ochin da Siene, dated to 1545 (Guicciardini 2-6-16; cf. footnote 17 above). The original Italian text was appended in Ochino’s book of sermons published in Geneva in October 1542 and has been reproduced by Ugo Rozzo (ed.), Bernardino Ochino. I “Sette Dialogi” e altri scritti del tempo della fuga, Torino, Claudiana, 1985, p.147-152 from Guicciardini 3-3-65. It is likely that this is a copy the volume of sermons that Bernardino sent to Vittoria Colonna and which, on the advice of Reginald Pole, she sent on to Marcello Cerivini on 4 December 1542; cf. Ermanno Ferrero and Giuseppe Müller (eds), Vittoria Colonna, Marchesa di Pescara, Carteggio, second edition with supplementary material added and annotated by Domenico Tordi, Torino, Ermanno Loescher, 1892, p.256-257. This 1542 edition does not address Rome nor Paul III by name though it clearly implies that Paul III is the Antichrist (see page 17 below).Later editions in the hands of motivated publishers would adopt this text for more explicit polemical purposes. A 1546 edition carries a caricature of Paul III receiving Church law directly from the devil, under the heading, “Papa. Quas, lector, tulit impius Satanas leges. excipit hic miser tyrannus” (Rozzo, p. 148). However Ochino’s 1542 text essentially portrays the radical quality of evangelical life and how the Antichrist opposes it. “In the conflict Christ uses humility, patience, charity, and the other virtues, while the Antichrist fights using the forces of the world. Christ’s sword is the word of God, and that of the Antichrist is human intervention” (p.150).The other is a copy of a later, more pungent work: A Tragaedie or Dialoge of the uniuste usurped primacie of the Bishop of Rome, and of all the iust abolishing of the same made by master Barnardine Ochine an Italian; translated out of Latine into Englishe by Master John Ponet Doctor of Divinitie, never printed before in any language. Anno Do. 1549.(From the frontispiece). The IDS catalogue adds: Imprynted at London: for Gwalter Lynne dwelling on Somers kaye by Byllynges gate, 1549 (Guicciardini 2-6-33). Such works easily could have motivated the ban that Raynaldo mentions.That there are so few known copies of the Letter is not surprising given the thoroughly efficient suppression and destruction of banned texts as early as 1544, including the well-known case of the “maligno libretto” Il beneficio di Cristo, of which only five surviving early copies (including translations!) are known to exist, all of which were found outside of Italy; cf. Salvatore Caponetto (ed.), Il beneficio di Cristo cone le versioni del secolo xvi documenti e testimonianze, Corpus Reformatorum Italicorum, Newberry Library, 1972. On the suppression of the work, see Salvatore Caponetto (ed.), Il beneficio di Cristo (by Benedetto Fontanini da Mantova and Marcantonio Flaminio), Claudiana, Torino, 1975, 2009 (third edition), p.7-9
  28. In 1757 canon Angelo Maria Bandini took up the task of Librarian in the Biblioteca Laurenziana. During his tenure he published the catalogue of contents in the plutei, cf. it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Biblioteca_Medicea_Laurenziana (accessed 16 April 2010); the catalogue being published in 1778: “Nel 1778 appare il Catalogus codd. Italicorum bibliothecæ Mediceæ Laurentianæ, Gaddianæ et Sanctæ Crucis…, Florentiæ 1778 (con indice complessivo anche dei volumi precedenti).”, M. Rosa, “Bandini, Angelo Maria” in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani at www.treccani.it (accessed 16 April 2010).
  29. See footnote 11. The title was then copied with the text of the letter in the Guicciardini 2-6-35 Ms.
  30. Benrath (p.294, footnote 1) presents the biographical note with its errors and polemical insinuation. The note is interesting in that it represents an erudite, Catholic perception of Ochino from a later time period: “Ochini Fr. Bernardini, Senensis, Capuccinorum Generalis, qui exuit Monachi habitum, ut uxorem ducere posset, Polygamiam scripto defendit, obiitque omnibus exosus in Anglia an. Chr. mdxlvii.” (Catalogo Bandini, vol. V, index. col.630).
  31. Benrath, “Lettera a Paolo III…”, p.294.
  32. See footnote 25 above. Sleidan was a chronicler of the Reformation, and not just an historian. In other words, his is a contemporary description rather than long-distance retrospective, as in the case of Raynaldi.
  33. Again, see footnote 25.
  34. Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. XII, p.230, 232.
  35. For Benrath Ochino’s Tragaedie or Dialoge (see footnote 26 above) “ convincingly contests papism, but by means of logic and biblical and historical exegesis. He never loses himself by presenting personal matters or accusations. For even if they may be true they have no value in demonstrating the overall falsity of a system”, Benrath, “Lettera a Paolo III…” p.297-298. His polemics “are against false teachings and institutions of the Catholic Church, not against the persons themselves of his adversaries” (p.297).
  36. Karl Benrath, Bernardino Ochino of Siena: A contribution towards the History of the Reformation, translate by Helen Zimmern, New York, Carter Brothers, 1877, p.183-216.
  37. At first this point may appear superficial given that Ochino may well have been remembered in Italy as ‘fra Bernardino.’ However, he was not thus known outside of Italy, where he had been since crossing the Alps to find himself in Geneva by the beginning of October 1542 when he wrote to Alessandro Farnese; see Ugo Rozzo (ed.), Bernardino Ochino. I “Sette Dialogi” e altri scritti del tempo della fuga, Torino, Claudiana, 1985, p.125-126. (Though he does refer to himself as “Fratello Bernardino Senese” in the forward to his book of sermons on published a few days later 10 October; for the date of this preface see Ermanno Ferrero and Giuseppe Müller (eds), Vittoria Colonna, Marchesa di Pescara, Carteggio, second edition with supplementary material added and annotated by Domenico Tordi, Torino, Ermanno Loescher, 1892, p.256, footnote 2.
  38. Cf. G. Mutini, “della Casa, Giovanni” in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani at www.treccani.it (accessed 22 February 2010). Della Casa (*28 June 1503 – †14 November 1556) accused Pier Paolo Vergerio (*Capodistria 1498 – † Tubingen 1564), who defended himself by attributing the authorship back to Ochino – quoting Sleidan! cf. Georgius Schelhorn, Apologia pro Petro Paulo Vergerio Episcopo Justinopolitano adversus Joannem Casam Archiepiscopum Beneventanum. Accendunt Monumenta quædam inedita, Ulmæ et Memmingæ, Sumpto Gaumiano, MDCCLIV, p.7 and 9.
  39. Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. xii, p.511.
  40. According to Sleidan it was generally believed that the letter was ‘ab aliis, uti creditur, compositus’. On face value this suggests there were either multiple authors or multiple beliefs about who the author was, as exemplified by Giovanni della Casa.
  41. Karl Benrath, “Lettera a Paolo III…” p.299-301. “The book was printed, it says, in Piacenza. There is no doubt that it was composed at least in Rome. A German translation of it also exists” (p.298, footnote 1). According to the Bayer Staatsbibliothek in Munich (which has two copies) the author was Matthias Flacius Illyricus or Matija Vlačić Ilirik (* 3 March 1520, in Labin, Croatia– †Frankfurt-am-Main, 1575). After a brief period in Venice for studies, he went the Germany where he resided in Augsburg, Basel, Tübingen, Wittenberg in the 1540’s, and then Magdeburg. However, I am not convinced that the Croatian reformer living in Germany was the author of the Epistola. The identification of author of the pasquinata with Matthias Flacius results from one of his pseudonyms, Publius Aesquillus, which appears in the title: “P. Aesquillus, Magister Pontificum.”An English translation was published in 1552: Wonderfull newes of the death of Paule the. iii. last byshop of Romeof diuerse thynges that after his death haue happened, wherein is trulye set… by Flacius Illyricus, Matthias, [[London] : Imprinted by Thomas Gaultier dwelling at Fliete Bridge in the newe rentes. The translator was probably William Baldwin, cf. Anne Overell, Italian reform and English Reformations c.1535 – c.1585, Aldershot, Ashgate Publishing, 2008, p.94.
  42. “Who can’t see,” asks Benrath, “that the Letter in the Biblioteca Laurenziana and this Pasquillo derive from the same source?” (p.301)
  43. Benrath, “Lettera a Paolo III …” p.302.
  44. Bendetto Nicolini, Il pensiero di Bernardino Ochino, Napoli, Riccardo Ricciardi Editore, 1939, p.110, which is a bibliographic note on the Letter: Uno scritto apocrifo.
  45. “Multa id genus alia cōtinentur in eo, quem diximus, libello, qui typis procusus extat.In De statu Religionis et Reipublicæ … 1558, p.394-395. Nicolini: ‘…according to what Sleidan says, the Letter came out in print, in a small work that today is no longer extant, a little before the death of pope Farnese, which means between 1548 and 1549.’ As Sleidan has it: “Prius, quam decederet, libellus exijt Italicus” in De statu Religionis, p. 394.
  46. Secretary to Ferrante Gonzaga I, governor of the Duchy of Milan 1546-1555.
  47. “Sono stato ripregato della lettera ochiniana contra Paolo, et io ne riprego al S.V.” in Amadio Ronchini (ed.), Lettere di Girolamo Muzio Giustinopolitano conservate nell’Archivio governativo di Parma, Parma, Deputazione di Storia Patria, 1864, p.137.
  48. Paul III imprisoned Giovan Girolamo De Rossi (*19 June 1505 – † 5 April 1564) in 1539, who was then exiled, only to be reinstated after the election of Giulius III in 1550; cf. it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Giovan_Girolamo_de’_Rossi (accessed 21 April 2010).
  49. Miguel Gotor, “Tradizione inquisitoriale e memoria eterodossa: un cartello di sfida di Bernardino Ochino al Cardinale Carafa (1543-1628)” in Archivio italiano per la storia della pietà 12(2000)89-142, p.93, footnote 17. Gotor refers to a letter of Giovanni Bianchetti to the Archbishop of Benevento Giovanni Della Casa, dated 3 August 1549. The letter is found in Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. Lat. 14835, f.212r.
  50. See footnote 8.
  51. questa mia Epistola per la correttione di esso. Later the author refers to the document six times as a ‘letter.’
  52. In suggesting this possibility, I am not saying Paul III did not know of the Letter.
  53. The study of astronomy and astrology needed by a doctor in making a diagnosis, Iatromatematica was an obligatory for students of medicine at the time; Pierluigi Pizzamiglio, L’astrologia in Italia all’epoca du Galileo Galilei (1550-1650). Rassegna storico-critica dei documenti librari custoditi nella Biblioteca “Carlo Viganò”, Vita e Pensiero, Brescia, 2004, p.145.
  54. Cf. Eugenio Garin, Lo zodiaco della vita. La polemica sull’astrologia dal Trecento al Cinquecento, 1976. “Economica Laterza” 2007.
  55. For a bibliographic cross-section of books published on astrology in Italy in the hundred years from 1550, see Pierluigi Pizzamiglio, L’Astrologia in Italia all’epoca di Galileo Galilei (1550-1650). Rassegna storico-critica dei documenti librari custoditi nella Biblioteca “Carlo Viganò”, Vita e Pensiero, Brescia, 2004.
  56. Copernicus (*19 February 1472 – †24 May 1543) only saw the published work when on his death bed. Niccolò Copernico, La struttura del cosmo, introduction by Michel Blay, notes by Jean Seidengart, translation by Renato Giroldini, Leo S. Olschki Editore (Immagini della Ragione, 12), 2009, p.9-18: Prefazione di Niccolò Copernico ai libri sulle rivoluzioni dedicata al Santissimo Signore Paolo III, Pontefice massimo. However, while the dedication to Paul III was that of Copernicus, Andreas Osiander (*1496-†1552), who took over the Nuremburg publication of the text from Georg Joachim Rheticus (*1514-†1576), added a preface to the reader La struttura del cosmo, p.3-5, unbeknown to Galileo. [Giordano Bruno (*1548 – †17 February 1600) would later discover Osiander’s authorship of the letter to the reader.] There Osiander anonymously reassured the reader that the work was merely a mathematical model for making more precise astronomical calculations. Osiander’s addition gave the appearance that the author was not concerned with the theological issues concerning Scriptural interpretation taken to be revealed truth. The text was an obvious contradiction of Osiander’s preface. The debate between the ‘mathematicians’ and ‘theologians’ – not that either camp was unanimous – over the reconciliation of some scriptural passages with indisputable knowledge acquired from observation would also embroil Galileo, whose contribution would resolve the question about what was physically observable and verifiable. cf. Sheila J. Rabin, “Copernicus, Nicolaus” in The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, Oxford Universtiy Press, 1996, vol. I, p.429-430. In the same volume see Robin B. Barnes, “Astrology”, p.86-87. also Sergio Pagano, I documenti vaticani del processo di Galileo Galilei (1611-1741), Nuova edizione accresciuta, rivista e annotata, Città del Vaticano, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, 2009, p. xxxiii, footnote 62; also La struttura del cosmo, p.3, footnote 1.
  57. See footnote 10.
  58. Possibly the Laurenziana codex belonged to Girolamo Vecchietti and the Letter Ms may have served in him in preparing his defence before the Inquisition, copies of which are also preserved in the codex; see footnote 10.
  59. E.g see John Tedeschi John. (ed.)., The Italian Reformation of the Sixteenth-Century and the Diffusion of Renaissance Culture: A Bibliography of the Secondary Literature (ca. 1750-1997), Compiled by John Tedeschi in association with James M. Lattis; with an historiographical introduction by Massimo Firpo, Modena, Franco Cosimo Panini, 2000.
  60. E.g. In 1536 Vittoria Colonna wrote that the Capuchins might appear to be ‘lutherans’ because they preached ‘freedom of the spirit’: Prima che paiono Luterani, perchè praedicano la libertà del spirit, in Vittoria Colonna to Contarini and the Commission of Cardinals in Vittoria Colonna, Carteggio, raccolto e pubblicato da Ermanno Ferrero e Giuseppe Müller. Seconda edizione con Supplemento raccolto ed annotato da Domenico Tordi, Torino, Ermanno Loescher, 1892, p. 110-123 from Archivi Segreti Vaticani, Concilio di Trento, vol. xxxvii, f.170. The Carteggio follows Bartolomeo Fontana, “Documenti vaticani di Vittoria Colonna Marchesa di Pescara per la difesa dei Cappuccini” in Archivio della Società romana di storia patria, 9(1886) 345-371; also in Costanzo Cargnoni (ed.), I Frati Cappuccini. Documenti e testimonianze del primo secolo, Edizioni Frate Indovino vol. II, nn.2020-2031, pp.216-227 reading from the same document, but noting a new pagination in the codex: f.175r-181r, replacing 170r-176r; see also Benedetto d’Alatri, “Vigorosa apologia. Lettera di Vittoria Colonna al Cardinal Contarini” in L’Italia Francescana 22(1947)107-112.
  61. Contarini’s correspondence at the time reveals the depth of concern and measures taken to have Carlos V intervene. From Regensburg cardinal Gaspare Contarini wrote to cardinal Alessandro Farnese, 13 March 1541, in Victor Schultze, “Dreizehn Depeschen Contarini’s aus Regensburg an den Cardinal Farnese (1541)” in Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 3(1879)150-184; p.150-156; Contarini to Reginald Pole, 14 March 1541, in Johann Georg Schelhorn (ed.), Epistolarum Reginaldi Poli S.R.E. Cardinalis et aliorum ad ipsum partes I [-V] quae scripta complectitur ab anno MDXX usque ad an. MDXXXVI …Praemittuntur animadversiones in Epist. Jo: Georg. Schelhornii, Vita cardinalis Poli, & quaedam hujus Scripta atque Diatriba ad easdem Epistolas. Editio Brixiae, excudebat Joannes-Maria Rizzardi, 1744-1757. 5 vols. London, Gregg Press, 1967; vol.III, p.16-17; to Cardinale Farnese 20 March 1541, in Schultze, “Dreizehn Depeschen…, p.162-163); from Girolamo Dandino to Contarini, 25 March 1541, in Giambattista Morandi, Monumenti di varia letteratura tratti dai manoscritti di Monsignor Lodovico Beccadelli arcivescovo di Ragusa, In Bologna, Nell’Instituto delle Scienze, 1797 -1799; republished by Gregg Press, Farnborough, 1967; p.128-131; Contarini to Farnese, 14 April 1541, in Schultze, “Dreizehn Depeschen…” p.174-176; again to Farnese, 16 April, in Franz Dittrich, Regesten und Briefe des Cardinals Gasparo Contarini (1483-1542), Braunsberg, Verlag von Huy’s Buchhaldlung (Emil Bender), 1881, p.321-322; to Farnese, 28 April, in Schelhorn, Epistolarum Reginaldi Poli…vol.III, p.ccliii-cclvi; to Farnese, 30 April, in Schelhorn, Epistolarum Reginaldi Poli…vol.III, p. cclvi; to Farnese, 13 May, in Ludwig von Pastor, “Die Correspondenz des Cardinals Contarini während feiner deutschen Legation. 1541” in Historisches Jahrbuch 1(1880) 321-392, 473-500; p.383-387; to Farnese, 23 May, in Dittrich, Regesten, p.328-331; from Paul III to Contarini on 15 June, in Hugo Laemmer, Monumenta Vaticana historiam ecclesiasticam saeculi xvi illustrantia, Freiburg, Herder, 1861, p.367-382; from Niccolò Ardinghelli, 15 June 1541, in Schelhorn, Epistolarum Reginaldi Poli…vol.III, p.ccxl – ccxlix; from Contarini to Alessandro Farnese from Regensburg, 19 June 1541, in Pastor, “Die Correspondenz…“, p.483-486.
  62. Paul III to Ascanio Colonna, 25 February 1541 in Vittoria Colonna, Carteggio, raccolto e pubblicato da Ermanno Ferraro e Giuseppe Müller. Seconda edizione con Supplemento raccolto ed annotato da Domenico Tordi, Torino, Ermanno Loescher, 1892, p.214-216, footnote 1.
  63. On the difficulties in the relationship between Paul III and Ascanio Colonna, and the episode of the salt tax and consequent war and Colonna defeat, see Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. XI, p.336-334.
  64. Vittoria Colonna intervened with her brother at the request of Carlos V from Regensburg. She wrote to Ascanio on 1 March 1541 (in Vittoria Colonna, Carteggio, raccolto e pubblicato da Ermanno Ferraro e Giuseppe Müller. Seconda edizione con Supplemento raccolto ed annotato da Domenico Tordi, Torino, Ermanno Loescher, 1892) p.214-217; again on 1 March 1541 (Carteggio, p.217-218); 6 March 1541 (p.219-220). Ascanio replied to her on 7 March 1541 (p. 220-221); then Vittoria to Ascanio, 7 or 8 March 1541 (p.221-222); 8 March 1541 (p.222-224); Ascanio to her, 9 March 1541 (p. 224-225); Vittoria to Ascanio, around 10 March 1541 (p. 226-227). The Carteggio also contains letters of Carlos V to Vittoria Colonna, 17 March 1541 (p.227-228); and 26 March 1541 (p.228-229).
  65. Under Julius III (8 February 1550 – 23 March 1555) Ascanio was re-instated to his possessions, only to lose them again in 1553 by papal decree. He took refuge in Naples where he was arrested. He died in custody in the Castello on 24 March 1557.
  66. Licet ab initio, 21 July 1542
  67. “Bernardinus Ochinus instructor Ascanii Columnae” in Massimo Firpo (ed), Il processo inquisitoriale del Cardinale Giovanni Morone. Edizione critica, Istituto Storico Italiano, Roma, 1981, Vol. I: Il Compendium, p.184. It is also interesting to note that the probable author of this Compendium, Giulio Antonio Santori, including its comments on Caterina Cybo and Vittoria Colonna, would later ask the Capuchins to write the story of the origins in his capacity as Cardinal Protector of the Capuchins after 1572. The fulfilment of the request fell first to Mario da Mercato Saraceno and then to Bernardino da Colpetrazzo. One must ask what impact Santori’s status within the Holy Office had upon the composition of Marius’ third Relatio and Colpetrazzo’s Chronaca.
  68. Massimo Firpo (ed), Il processo inquisitoriale del Cardinale Giovanni Morone, Vol. I: Compendium, endote 13, p.247-247; see also the index in Sergio Pagano, Il processo di Endimio Calandra e l’Inquisizione a Mantova nel 1567-1568, Città del Vaticano, Studi e Testi 339, 1991; similarly for the critical edition of the Inquisitorial trials of Pietro Carnesecchi, Massimo Firpo and Dario Marcatto, I Processi Inquisitoriali di Pietro Carnesecchi (1557-1567), edizione critica. 2 vol., 4 tomi, Collectanea Archivi Vaticani 43, Città del Vaticano, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, 1998.
  69. E.g. “Bernardino Ochino to B.D.” (Autumn, 1542) in Massimo Firpo – Sergio Pagano, I processi inquisitoriali di Vittore Soranzo (1550-1558). Edizione critica. 2 voll. Citta Del Vaticano, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, 2004: vol.2, 562-568. Footnote 1075 translates: On the basis of the Vatican Ms … Benedetto Nicolini’s edition of it contains some mistakes in Illustrazione di un documento e vicende di un carteggio, Bologna, Archivio di Stato di Bologna («Quaderni della scuola di paleografia ed archivistica», IV), 1963. With the title Ai margini dell’epistolario ochiniano the same Nicolini included it in the volume Studi cinquecenteschi. II. Aspetti della vita religiosa politica e letteraria, Bologna, Tamari, 1974, pp.103-17. The hypothesis proposed by Nicolini seems unlikely, according to which the letter ‘is probably a reworking of one or more of Ochino’s letters and put together for propaganda purposes by Soranzo or by another of Contarini’s followers’ (p.13). … The inventory of Codices Vaticani Latini. Codices 10701-10875 cit., p.208, tentatively suggests a Bartolomeo Desideri as the recipient, who does appear to have been an ecclesiastic («fratel maggior in Christo»).Perhaps another example may be the letter of 1 January 1543 addressed to Gianpietro Carafa and ‘signed’ by Bernardino Ochino, Pietro Vermigli and Mainardi. It is published by Miguel Gotor, “Tradizione inquisitoriale e memoria eterodossa: un cartello di ssfida di Bernardino Ochino al cardinale Carafa (1543-1628)” in Archivio italiano per la sotira della pietà 12(2000)89-142, p.140-142. Gotor believes the letter to be authentic.
  70. See footnotes 5, 6 and 7 above.
  71. I had also wondered whether the author/s also may have wanted to discredit the Capuchins, but this seems less likely. Had that been the author’s intention much more material was available. The Capuchins are not mentioned at all in the text.
  72. Ugo Rozzo (ed.), Bernardino Ochino. I “Sette Dialogi” e altri scritti del tempo della fuga, Torino, Claudiana, 1985, p.147-152; 171 note 1.
  73. Io te l’ho in parte depinto, ma advertisce che infra le altre sue astutie, dirà che Antechristo debba venire, acciò non si pensi sia epso. Ugo Rozzo, Bernardino Ochino… p.152.
  74. Ochino had reached Morbegno by the end of August where he wrote to Gian Matteo Giberti on 31 August 1542; cf. Ugo Rozzo (ed.), Ugo Rozzo, Bernardino Ochino… p. 124-125. He had reached Geneva by the beginning of October where he wrote to Alessandro Farnese (cardinal) on 2 October 1542; cf. Ugo Rozzo, Bernardino Ochino… p.125-126.
  75. cf. footnotes 1 and 3.
  76. MHOMC I, 453, lines 6-7: The incident brought great fear to the poor Congregation and was the occasion of much trepidation. It put the Congregation at great risk. But was it her fault? And according the Bernardino da Colpetrazzo (MHOMC II, 276): Paul III was very angry with the poor Congregation … (and later was reported to say) ‘I was determined to anihilate them completely’ (277, lines 4-5). Chapter 67: What His Holiness did regarding the Congregation because fo the departure of Ochino (MHOMC I:439-444); Chapter 69 of Colpetrazzo’s account has the heading, “The fear the Capuchins had because of threats from His Holiness Paul III, angry at the departure of Ochino’ (MHOMC I, 449-458; etc.)
  77. Ochino was in Verona with Giberti when he received the letters of Paul III and Alessandro Farnese to go to Rome. (Transcripts in Paolo Piccolomini, “Documenti Vaticani sull’eresia in Siena durante il secolo XVI” in Bullettino Senese di storia patria 15(1908) 299-300.) After Giberti learned of Ochino’s flight from Italy, he wrote to the Marchese del Vasto on 11 September 1542. (The text of the letter is published in Karl Benrath, Bernardino Ochino von Siena. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte de Reformation. Mit original-Dokumenten, Porträt und Schriftprobe, (second edition), Braunschweig, Schwetschke und Sohn, 1892, p.283-286.) He describes Bernardino’s concern about going to Rome: “He learned he should go to Rome from a very kind letter from Cardinal Farnese. I saw him become disturbed … but because it seemed to him that the letter was not entirely wise. For the rumour had been going around for two months that he was a Lutheran and for this reason he was called to Rome, where it was understood that some Capuchins had already come together in Aracoeli to malign him in this regard.” This may have been the interpration he gave to Cardinal Farnese’s letter: “Since certain things have come to the ears of Our Lord [i.e. Paul III] of certain friars of your Order, which concern the Order.” Latanzio Tolomei, at the time in Rome, knew of Ochino’s call to Rome, but without any suspicion in his regard. Writing on 11 August 1542 to the Signoria of Siena he says that Ochino has been called to discuss the question of heresy regarding some of the friars: “In tra li altri ordini di frati in questa contagione disordinati sono stati nominati li Scappuccini di fra Bernardino et per questo intendo che sua paternità è stata chiamata quà da Sua Beatitudine per trovare a questa cosa remedio essendo vera. Quando sarà quà mi ricordarò di nuovo instare per haverlo questa quadragesima, si come l’arcivescovo et Vostre Illustrissime Signorie più volte mi hanno commesso, a le quali di continuo con reverentia mi raccomando.” (Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. XII, p.663-664). Who were Ochino’s critics? Quite possibly Giovanni Pili da Fano should feature among them. He was already alert to ‘lutheran’ preaching by 1532 when, before becoming a Capuchin, he published his Opera utilisissima vulgare contra le punitiosissime heresie Lutherane per li simplici (Incendio delle zizzanie Lutherane), Bologna, Giovanni Battista Phaello. It is known that he reported to Rome the 1537 Lenten preaching of Agostino Museo da Treviso, an ‘eremitano.’ The result was the Brief of Paul III (18 April 1537) that ordered the nuncio of Venice to have this filium iniquitatis imprisoned. See Aldo Stella, “La lettera del Cardinale Contarini sulla predestinazione,” p. 423, note 8; and Ugo Rozzo, “Vicende Inquisitoriali dell’Eremitano Ambrogio Cavalli (1537-1545)” in Rivista di storia e letteratura religiosa 16(1980) 223-256, p. 223.
  78. The Capuchin chroniclers do not attempt to withhold mention that Ochino was not the only Capuchin under scrutiny (cf. MHOMC I, 455, lines 4-9; MHOMC II, 445, lines 10-15; etc.) As for the identity of some of the other Capuchins: Girolamo Spinazzola da Molfetta, Bartolomeo da Cuneo, Giovanni Battista da Padova, Hieronimo da Evoli, Girolamo da Dipignano and a Frate Ruffino who preached in Bergamo.
  79. Colpetrazzo points out that this included a diligentissimo esamine, at the insistance of the Cardinal Protector, of each and every Capuchin (cf. MHOMC II, 445) and a period of censure.
  80. Karl Benrath, “Lettera a Paolo III…” p. 257
  81. Correction made by another hand.
  82. dj is inserted above the text by another hand.
  83. This title is written in Latin in another hand on a separate page. The subtitle or content description – describing the life and deeds of Paul III, supreme pontiff – is a different hand to the general title- An invective letter of Bernardino Ochino. Possibly the subtitle is of the same hand as the two small corrections made on f.126v and f.128v.
  84. Leaving Basle on 4 November 1547 Ochino was in England from 20 December 1547 and 1553; Karl Benrath, Bernardino Ochino of Siena: A contribution towards the History of the Reformation, translate by Helen Zimmern, New York, Carter Brothers, 1877, p.183-216. Some of the contents of the letter date to 1548-1549.
  85. Benedetto Nicolini, “Ai margini dell’epistolario Ochiniano” in Biblion 1(1959) p.298, has “furon” for “fortio” in G36.
  86. al pnte which G36 transcribes a punte, but is understood as presente.
  87. G36 add here: as Job says
  88. orazioni’ [Ben: ‘orationi’] may refer to talks or speeches (orations) or to prayers. I have opted for prayers since ‘talks’ seems unnecessarily repetitive, and ‘prayer’ appropriate and likely.
  89. rimanere G35: restare
  90. G35: for so many years.
  91. G35 adds first: I have also done this so that
  92. Ben and G35: due, I believe, to your wickedness.
  93. See footnote 85.
  94. G36: every malice
  95. schifare, G36: evitare
  96. G36 adds: as Origen says, he had it [i.e. pre-eminence] because of this
  97. cosa, G36: auttorità
  98. An appeal to the Christian Princes is repeated at the end of the letter also.
  99. Ben and G35: good Christian and religious.
  100. modo; Ben: modo; G35: movimento. The Ms in the Biblioteca Laurenziana (of which Benrath and G35 are copies) has mo’ only.
  101. Adversus Vigilantium (PL 23: 339-352C). Jerome referred to him as Dormitantius and a monster, a new Jovinianus. Ben and G35 include, Contro Ioviano after the reference to Vigilantius. See Jerome’s two volume work Adversus Jovinianum (PL 23: 211-338).
  102. Ben and G35: insert: “Bishop”. Cf. Contra Iohannem (PL.23, 355-396)
  103. Or Helvidius, cf. Jerome, De perpetua uirginitate beatae Mariae adversus Heluidium (PL 23, 183-206)
  104. Apologia Adversus Libros Rufini, (PL 23, 395-492A.)
  105. Jerome wrote against Pelagius in his Letter to Ctesiphon and Dialogus contra Pelagianos; cf. Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Second Series, Vol. 6. Edited by Philip Schaff and Henry Wace, Buffalo, N.Y. Christian Literature Publishing Co., 1893; translated by W.H. Fremantle, G. Lewis and W.G. Martley. Revised and edited for New Advent by Kevin Knight at www.newadvent.org/fathers/30111.htm
  106. Ben and G35 insert: “of which I do not consider you to be the head
  107. accettatione di persona, (Ben: eccettuazione; G35: accettuatione) cf, Matthew 22,16.
  108. Cf 1 Jn 2,18, 22.
  109. Ben and G36: we are
  110. ti hebbi sostenuto, Ben has the same; G35: si habbi.
  111. verga; the shepherd’s staff
  112. Ben and G35 have: you, a writer of Bulls, were imprisoned in Castello Sant’Angelo by Pope Innocent Cybo. He was appointed apostolic secretary and notary in 1491, while Rodrigo Borgia was pontifical vice-chancellor.
  113. Innocent VIII was pope 29 August 1484 – 25 July 1492. Ludwig Pastor, The History of the Popes from the close of the Middle Ages, second edition, Herder, St. Louis, vol.XI, p.17-18: “His entrance into the Papal service was hindered, for Alessandro Farnese had incurred temporary imprisonment and the ill favour of Innocent VIII on account of his behaviour in some family quarrel.” Pastor was at pains to give a positive interpretation to the pontificate of Paul III, in complete contrast to the extremes of this letter. Pastor’s text, given the broad-brush strokes needed for his vast panorama of Papal history, is not entirely free of contrary affirmations. “There is trustworthy evidence that from the period onwards [after his ordination to the priesthood in 1519] his moral conduct was without reproach.” (p.21). Then again, “Paul III repeatedly sacrificed higher interests even when of importance to the Church, to those of the Farnese family” (p.36). It would seem that Pastor identified Alessandro’s immorality simply in terms of his sexual sins. This author of this letter, however, is keen to offer a broader spectrum of the nature of Alessandro’s immorality.
  114. cita; Ben and G35: età (age)
  115. Castel Sant’Angelo
  116. Ben and G35 insert: of Cardinals
  117. A Roman style maccheroni. Benrath correctly notes that the term maccherone can also be a colloquial term for a foolish person (Benrath, “Lettera a Paolo III”, La Rivista Cristiana 2(1874) 261, n.1. How this meaning applies in regard to a dish of maccheroni is difficult to determine in this context. Plausibly, it may refer to the scandal of Giulia Farnese’s relationship with Rodrigo Borgia as cardinal and then as Pope Alexander VI. This matter will be raised again in the letter. Like the author of this letter, some would attribute the appointment of Alexander Farnese as cardinal to the influence of his sister Giulia over Alexander VI. Hence Alessandro’s nickname as the “petticoat cardinal” (J. N. D. Kelly, Oxford Dictionary of Popes, 1986, p.261a.
  118. Borgia became Alexander VI on 11 August 1492. He created Alessandro cardinal 20 September 1493.
  119. Ben and G35 insert and drunk from
  120. Renzo da Ceri (born c.1475 – † January 1536, after a fall from his horse), also known as Lorenzo degli Anguillara and Renzo Orsini da Ceri: He was a condottiero or mercenary military leader, and among campaigns he participated in the defence of Rome in May 1527, also taking refuge in the Castel Sant’Angelo. Alessandro had two sisters, Giulia and Beatrice (a nun in Viterbo.) Giulia brought dishonour to the Orsini family after she had married Orso (or Orinso) Orsini on 21 May1489 and then became the lover of Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia, later Alexander VI.
  121. According to one rendition of Alessandro’s family tree (genealogy.euweb.cz/italy/farnese2.html, Last updated 7th March 2003; accessed 01 January 2010) her name was Silvia Ruffini. Alessandro had four children: Costanza, Marchesa di Proceno, Signora di Bolsena e Acquapendente, (*Rome ca 1500 – +Rome 23 May 1545); married1518 Bosio II Sforza Count of Santa Fiora (*ca 1485 – +Rome or Gradoli 1535); Pier Luigi, Duke of Castro and Ronciglione 1538 and of Parma and Piacenza (19.8.1545-1547), Gonfaloniere di Santa Romana Chiesa 1537, Count of Pitigliano 1537, Lord of Nepi 1537, etc., (*Rome 19 November 1503 – † murdered Piacenza 10 September 1547; married in Rome 1519 to Gerolama, daughter of Luigi Orsini Count of Pitigliano (*Rome ca 1504 – † Viterbo 1570, buried Santa Maria Church of Bolsena); Paolo, (*Rome 1504 – † Rome 1513); Ranuccio, Bishop of Corneto and Montefiascone (13 April 1519 -12 November 1528), Colonel of Venetian Chivalry June, 1526 (*Rome 1509 – † Naples 8 August 1529; engaged to Virginia, daughter of Ludovico Pallavicino, Marchese di Cortemaggiore, widow of Conte Brunoro Gambara, a nobleman from Brescia.One may ask whether the report of the episode here may include a confusion about the details of the event, including the identities. Silvia Ruffini was probably a Roman. Furthermore, Pier Luigi’s visit to Ancona resulted in some scandal.“During his life he had gained a fame on cruelty, ruthlessness and decadence. He was also suspected of being homosexual, with scandal erupting in 1537 when he was accused in what became known as the ‘rape of Fano’ where he allegedly raped the young bishop of the city, Cosimo Gheri, while marching with his troops (Gheri subsequently died). Letters also exist from his father, Paul III, reproaching him for taking male lovers when on an official mission to the court of the emperor; and another from the chancellor of the Florentine embassy detailing a man-hunt he had mounted in Rome to search for a youth who had refused his advances. The allegations of homosexuality were used in later protestant polemic directed against the papacy.”From http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pierluigi_Farnese (This page was previously modified on 23 December 2009); see also Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. XI, p.317, note 2; cf. footnote 210.
  122. Alessandro was appointed papal legate to the Marches in October 1502 (Pastor, The History of the Popes, vol. XI, p.19), that is, during the time of Alexander VI., who died 18 August 1503.
  123. The next two sentences in Ben and G35 read: This was the reason for the ruin of the Cardinal of Ravenna; because he had a relative of his hung you then treated him with revenge as everyone knows.
  124. Ben and G35: del card: di Ravenna; Benedetto de Accolti (the Younger) (*24 October 1497 – †21 September 1549). He was appointed archbishop of Ravenna on 17 August 1524, and was ordained bishop 21 December 1524. He was created cardinal 3 May 1527. “In 1532 he purchased, as he had purchased other dignities, the governorship of Ancona and the Legation of the March. In this position the tyrannical character of this genuine product of the Renaissance, steeped to the core in all the corruption of his age, reached its rankest development. The unfortunate people of Ancona underwent a veritable reign of terror. Accolti, whose cruelty and immorality passed all bounds, carried things to such a pitch that even the patience of Clement VII was worn out” (Pastor, The History of the Popes, vol. XI, p.310, see 310-312). Under Paul III, Benedetto was condemned to death and imprisoned in Castel Sant’Angelo from April 1535 until 31 October the same year when he purchased his freedom for 59,000 scudi. Allegedly he died of poisoning in 1549.
  125. Ben and G35 do not include the following paragraph found in G36.
  126. After the sack of Rome which began on 5 May 1527, Clement VII was a virtual prisoner in the Castel Sant’Angelo until paying a ransom. He then went to Orvieto. Renzo da Ceri, defender of the city, was also in the Castel at this moment.
  127. Pietro de Accolti de Aretio (* 15 March 1455 – †11 December 1532); made cardinal 11 March 1511. He was archbishop of Ravenna 25 June 1526 and resigned the following December, and remained Archbishop emeritus until his death.
  128. The Santa Sabina Cardinals during the time of Julius II were Francisco Lloris y de Borja (*c.1470-†22 July 1506), cardinal of Santa Sabina 1503-1505. Fazio Giovanni Santori (*1447-†23 March 1520) became Cardinal of Santa Sabina on 17 December 1510. René de Prie (1511) succeeded him and in turn was followed by Bondinello Sauli, in the position from 1511-1516.
  129. Ben omits the following paragraph of 120 or so words so as not to offend the reader. He omits two brief passages in his transcription; see Benrath, “Lettera a Paolo III” p. 258, note (1).
  130. Nicola was Julius II’s nephew. He married Laura, the daughter of Giulia Farnese and Paul III’s niece.
  131. alle strette
  132. A town in the province of Viterbo.
  133. Constanza was Alessandro’s only daughter. In 1517 she married Bosio II Sforza, count of Santa Fiora.
  134. G35 adds: neither her or such things
  135. G35 does not mention Bosio’s name. He died in 1538.
  136. The author is using irony here, as in the next sentence.
  137. sovvenire; Ben and G35: ricordare
  138. tante is not in Ben and G35
  139. A Francesco della Rovere is listed as Archbishop of Benevento from 1530-1544 at it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diocesi_di_Benevento#Cronotassi_dei_vescovi (accessed 27 February 2010); however at the moment of writing I have no further biographical information for Ludovico Torres or for Stefano della Rovere.
  140. suo fratello omitted in Ben and G35
  141. tante, Ben and G35: infinite
  142. et al mondo is not in Ben and G35
  143. During the siege of Rome by army of Carlos V in 1527.
  144. Alessandro Farnese [the younger] (*7 October 1520-†2 March 1589), the first son of Pier Luigi Farnese. He was appointed bishop of Parma 1 November 1534 and made cardinal the following month, 18 December, at the age of fourteen. At the time of the sack of Rome he had not yet turned seven. His episcopal predecessor to the see of Parma was the senior Alessandro, as already noted above, appointed 28 March 1509.
  145. et contra el dovere della legge Christiana is not in Ben and G35.
  146. per esserle inanti al tempo successor suo con male arti; Ben: acciò li fosti nanzi tempo con male arti successore; G33: acciò tu fosse nanzi tempo con male arti successore.
  147. sfrenata is not in Ben and G35.
  148. ‘Commodus’ is not part of Mark Antony’s name. Ben and G35 have instead: much more than that of Marcus Antonius with Cleopatra. He also had the title Heliogabalus (or Elagabalus) referring to the sun-god whose cult Mark Antony introduced to Rome, and which cult included the festival of sol invictus. Perhaps the “Commodus” resulted from a confusion with Marcus Aurelius Commodus Antoninus, the son of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius.
  149. This sentence is not found in Ben and G35. The cardinals in question were Alessandro and Ranuccio Farnese and Guido Ascanio Sforza.
  150. non ne pagare alcune; Ben and G35: non ne pagare nessuna
  151. allargarti; Ben and G35: allegrarti. From the context, the expansion refers to the piazza and/or the building of the Palazzo Farnese. Alessandro Farnese began building the Palazzo Farnese in 1515 after the design of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger (1484-1546). With the sack of Rome in 1527 work came to a halt. Alessandro increased the size of the Palazzo significantly after his election to the papacy in 1534. Michelangelo completed the redesigned third storey after the death of Sangallo.
  152. The Roman, Latino Giovenale Manetti (*c.1485 – † 28 January 1553). As a member of the city administration he oversaw the preparations for the visit of Carlos V to Rome in April 1535 after his success against Barbarossa in Tunisia. Preparations began the previous December and included urban ‘embellishments’ from the Porta San Sebastiano to San Marco to allow passage for the imperial cortege. Giovenale had also been a tutor of Alessandro junior. Manetti served Paul III as magister viarum from 1535-1537, 1541 – 1543, 1547-1548; on Paul III’s urban developments see cf. Giorgio Simoncini, Roma. Le Trasformazioni Urbane nel Cinquecento. I. Topografia e urbanistica da Giulio II a Clemente VIII, Firenze, Leo S. Olschki, 2008, pp.97-148; briefly in Helge Gamrath, Roma Sancta Renovata. Studi sull’urbanistica di Roma nella seconda metà del sec. XVI con particolare riferimento al pontificato di Sisto V (1585-1590), “L’Erma” di Bretschneider, Roma, 1987, pp. 22+; on the extensive preparations for the visit of Carlos V in particolar, see Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. XI, 1923, pp. 241-243; Simoncini, ibid. pp. 99-103.
  153. Ben and G35 do not have: et con il Boccaccio fiorentino. Probably Giovanni di Bartolomeo Lippi, also known as Nanni di Baccio Bigio, born in Florence around 1513, one of the Tuscan artisans commissioned by Paul III (Pastor, History of the Popes, vol.XII, p.594). Involved in architecture under the influence of Sangallo (Antonio Cordini or Antonio da Sangallo the younger) and worked in the construction of St. Peters from 1539 to 1546. After the death of Sangallo in 1546, it seems Lippi was in conflict with Michelangelo over the revised design of St. Peter’s (Pastor, History of the Popes, vol.XII, p.643-644). Among other works, Lippi designed the Palazzo Sacchetti in the via Giulia and the construction of the Villa Rufina in Frascati. Cf. M.G. Ercolino, “Lippo, Giovanni di Bartolomeo, detto Nanni di Baccio Bigio” in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani at www.treccani.it (accessed 05 March 2010); see also Giorgio Simoncini, Roma. Le Trasformazioni Urbane nel Cinquecento. I. Topografia e urbanistica da Giulio II a Clemente VIII, Firenze, Leo S. Olschki, 2008, index: Lippi, Giovanni (Nanni di Bacio Biggio).
  154. et si sono morti only in G35 and VS 469
  155. This sentence is not in Ben and G35
  156. Binca da Parma in all the Mss.
  157. Cardinale is not in Ben and G35.
  158. Jola is not in Ben and G35.
  159. Abbazia di Chiaravalle della Colomba, in Alseno, Piacenza?
  160. servitore is not in Ben and G35
  161. o altro Prelato ricco only in VS469 and G36.
  162. Ben and G35: without reminding you of the rebuke you gave to Salviati in the Consistory
  163. The College of Cardinals
  164. The titular Cardinal of Santi Quattro Coronati. Ben and G35: Salviati, quello vecchio. Giovanni Salviati (*24 March 1490 – † 28 October 1553) became cardinal 1 July 1517 but was never titular Cardinal of Santi Quattro Coronati. If this episode refers to Pier Luigi’s excommunication in 1527 after his rampage through the Roman countryside after the sack of Rome, the excommunication was lifted in 1528. The titular cardinalate of Santi Quattro Coronati was vacant 1524-1531; http://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Santi_Quattro_Coronati_%28titolo_cardinalizio%29 previously modified 16 August 2009, (accessed 03 January 10).
  165. Ben and G35 have: our estate
  166. non trovando egli verso per indurti; Ben and G35 do not have ‘non’.
  167. merce della solita crudelta; Ben and G35: per la solita crudeltà
  168. laddove tosto; Ben and G35: subito
  169. Ben and G35 do not have: from prison
  170. Adrian VI was pope 9 January 1522 – 14 September 1523. Cristoforo Numai OFM was titular cardinal of Aracoeli 1517-1527 (†23 March 1528).
  171. Ben and G35 insert here: in no way make him Pontiff.
  172. Ben and G35 do not have ‘later’
  173. This clause is not in Ben and G35.
  174. Cardinal Giovanni Antonio San Giorgio *c.1440 – †14 March 1509, whose previous titular see had been Alessandria della Paglia, and so was called the Cardinal of Alessandria. Alessandro celebrated his first Mass on 25 December 1519.
  175. per non farne uno di novo; whereas Ben and G35 read per non farne usa di nuovo, a contrary meaning.
  176. Ben and G35 do not have this last clause.
  177. Ben omits the next paragraph, except for the last sentence; cf. footnote 131.
  178. Ma venendo alla conclusione; G35 has: Ma venendo a quello che più importa
  179. G35 adds: throughout your entire life
  180. essendo ebriaco (sic: ubriaco) is not in G35.
  181. for many years is not in G35.
  182. perche egli s’avvide molto bene del suo peccato; G35: perché repentò il suo peccato
  183. Ben and G35 add: that was so depraved that it could not merit forgiveness.
  184. G35: le carne tue stesse – your very own flesh (and blood).
  185. agevol cosa
  186. 2 Samuel 13
  187. G35 includes: with your daughter and niece up until her death
  188. Gen 35:22; 49:3-4.
  189. G35 has: as the prophet Judah says
  190. Not in Ben and G35.
  191. Ben and G35 do not have ‘age’
  192. as has been said is not in Ben and G35
  193. pero is not in Ben and G35
  194. contaminata; in Ben and G35: scandalizzata
  195. Ben and G35 have instead: to be believed and preached
  196. Ben and G35 have here: you have had children with her, as everybody knows.
  197. Abishag of Shunem, 1 Kings 1:3,15
  198. eta; Ben and G35: vecchia eta
  199. Ben and G35 add: in essa
  200. This clause is not found in Ben and G35. Guidobaldo II della Rovere (*2 April 1514 – † 28 September 1574), Duke of Urbino 1539-1574 married Vittoria Farnese (*1521- † 1602) on 26 June 1547, barely five months before the death of Paul III. This marriage was Guidabaldo’s second, after becoming the widower of Giulia da Varano (*1524 – † February 1547), the daughter of Giovanni Maria Varano and Caterina Cybo.
  201. In 1546 Paul III made his nephew Ranuccio abbot of Farfa, after the expulsion of Napoleon Orsini who had been in the position 1530-1543. After his death (29 October 1565) the position was filled by his eldest brother, cardinal Alessandro Farnese; cf. Pastor, History of the Popes, 1923, vol. XI, p.343, n.4; Giovambatista Adriani, Istoria de’ suoi tempi, In Venetia, Apresso Bernardo Giunti, 1587, book III, p.184, under the year 1542 (www.archive.org):“Haveva in questo medesimo tempo sotto alcuni pretesti citato l’Abate di Farfa principale di casa Orsina, della cui Badia essendosi egli per temēza rifuggito nel Regno di Napoli, haveva preso il possesso, & spogliatolo di Vicovaro, et d’altre Castella, come poco inanzi haveva fatto ad Ascanio Colonna, non volendo che alcun potente lo noiasse, o bnelle sue imprese lo disturbasse. Haveva applicato lo stato di Paliano alla Chiesa; et fattane la Bolla, & egli ne haveva preso il possesso, et parimente del Palagio, et alti beni, che Ascanio possedeva in Roma: ma non si fidando poi de vassali Colonesi, benche in Paliano tenesse cinquecento fanti alla guardia: et sospettando delli Spagnuoli, che’l Vicerè haveva già molti mesi tenuti nell’Abruzzi a’ confini della Chiesa, senza che alcuno ne sapeße nulla, in un subito vi mādo mille cinquecento Guastatori, et la Fortezza, et le mura in gran parte vi fece gittare a terra.”
  202. Ottavio Farnese (*9 October 1524 – † 21 September 1586), the son of Pier Luigi and grandson of Paul III was duke of Camerino from 1540 to 1545. On 4 November 1538 he married Marguerite of Austria (*28 December 1522 – † 18 January 1586) the illegitimate daughter of Carlos V.
  203. che si tacciano is not in Ben and G35
  204. al tempo di Adriano is not in Ben and G35
  205. Ben and G35: we could not enter
  206. cf. Mark 8:34-38; also Luke 14:225-27; Matthew 10:37-38
  207. in cio is not in Ben and G35
  208. generatione Ben: generatamente; G35: generalmente
  209. G35 does not have giovane. This refers to an incident in 1537 when Pier Luigi is said to have raped the Cosimo Gheri (*1 August 1513 – †24 September 1537), who was only twenty-four years old. He died shortly afterwards. Cosimo was bishop of Fano from 1530-1537; cf A. Giusti, “GHERI (Ghieri, Gieri), Cosimo” in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani at www.treccani.it (accessed 09 January 2010); www.fondazionecarifano.it/Progetti/Cronotassi/10CronotassiTavoleCronologiche.pdf (14 May 2009; accessed 08 January 2010). The rumoured scandal was commonly known as the ‘oltraggio di Fano.’ it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oltraggio_di_Fano (30 July 2009; accessed 08 January 2010) transcribes the story as told by Bendetto Varchi in his Storia Fiorentina. However accounts of this episode were sometimes considered to be malicious rumour, see George B. Parks, “The Pier Luigi Farnese Scandal: An English Report” in Renaissance News 15(1962)193-200.
  210. 1Cor 15,34
  211. Ben and G35: egli ancora con li Spagnoli. During the sack of Rome, begun on 6 May 1527, Pier Luigi, a mercenary, was part of the besieging army of the Holy Roman Emperor, Carlos V. Pier Luigi’s brother, Ranuccio, in the same trade, was meanwhile defending Clement VII in Castel Sant’Angelo.
  212. Cristoforo (Christophorus) de Spiritibus (†5 November 1556); appointed bishop of Cesena 8 April 1510 and resigned 1545.
  213. saranno tenuti a rendarne conto et della tua assolutione Valera quanto potra; Ben and G35: saranno tenuti essi ancora. Di tanti vitii et detta tua absolutione valerà quanto potrà.
  214. ‘ccc’; Ben and G35: ‘300’. The number of 300 does not correspond with this account from Judges. Judges 19:22-20:48. Judges 20:47 has six hundred.
  215. in placcio; however in braccio in VS469, Ben and G35. As for ‘placcio’, a deviation from the text by the G36 copyist; perhaps a derivation from ‘placire’, sometimes ‘placiri’, both alternatives for ‘piacere.’ The New Jerusalem Bible reads that Phinehas ‘followed them into the alcove’, literally, “vaulted niche”, ‘possibly intended for ritual prostitution.’ Vulgate: Quod cum vidisset Phinees filius Eleazari filii Aaron sacerdotis, surrexit de medio multitudinis, et arrepto pugione, ingressus est post virum Israëlitem in lupanar, et perfodit ambos simul, virum scilicet et mulierem in locis genitalibus. (Numbers 25:7-8)
  216. Numbers 25:6-15
  217. Ben ang G35 omit abhominevole
  218. Rimini, Pesaro, Fano, Senigallia and Ancona, former Greek colonies, later part of the Marches of Ancona.
  219. Ben and G35 add: come ti fai nominare; therefore the passage in Ben and G35 could translate instead: since you call yourself the Vicar of God.
  220. Still referring to Pier Luigi Farnese.
  221. accrescerlo: Ben ane G35: honorarlo
  222. Parma and Piacenza. Ben and G35 add: whose faithfulness towards the Holy apostolic See is so well known to everyone.
  223. Pastor, History of the Popes, (1923), vol.XII, p.372 and n.3. Pier Luigi was assassinated after lunch in Piacenza on 10 September 1547; Ben and G35 do not have before the death … Giovanni Anguissola.
  224. Ben and G35: This was to let you see, dead or alive, that will have to abandon flesh for its shadow
  225. Ben and G35 instead: that all your human wisdom will be extreme madness.
  226. 1 Kings 21:4-16
  227. Benedetto Accolti (*29 October 1497 – †21 November 1549). Promoted as cardinal 3 May 1527. Salvador Miranda summarises, “…he was accused of misspending 19,000 ducats for the expedition against the Turks, and was deprived of the cardinalate; on August 27, 1534, he confessed to Cardinal Paolo Cesi; he was imprisoned in Castello Sant’Angelo, Rome, April 15, 1535; on August 30, 1535, the cardinal accepted the conditions imposed by the pope to be absent from the Roman Curia for two years and pay a large sum of money, 59,000 scudi d’oro; on that same date he was restored to the cardinalate; some say that Cardinal Ippolito de’ Medici, a relative of Pope Clement VII, with whom Cardinal Accolti had serious controversies, was the author of the imprisonment; he owed his freedom in part to the good offices of Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga and Holy Roman Emperor Carlos V, who greatly esteemed him”; cf. The Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church, ‘Accolti, Benedetto’ www.fiu.edu/~mirandas/bios1527.htm#Accolti as of 10 January 2010. See also footnote 125 above.
  228. Ippolito de’ Medici (*19 April 1511 – †10 August 1534); appointed by Pope Clement VII he governed Florence from 30 July 1524 until 16 May 1527, along with his cousin Alessandro de’ Medici and Cardinal Silvio Passerini. In 1531, Pope Clement VII named the nineteen year old Alessandro duke of the Florentine republic, an appointment purchased from Carlos V. Alessandro arrived in Florence on 5 July 1531, and Carlos V created him hereditary Duke of Florence 9 months later, signalling the end of the Florentine Republic. Ippolito, however, was created cardinal 10 January 1529. Some doubt surrounds the circumstances of his death. According to Ercole Gonzaga, Ippolito was en route to Carlos V in Tunis to intervene for the removal of Alessandro de’ Medici from his position as duke of Florence. On 2 August 1535, as he prepared his journey he fell ill. A few days later while Ippolito was bedridden one of his servants, Giovan Andrea da Castello, under the employ of Alessandro de’ Medici, poisoned his soup; cf. Rossana Sodano, “La morte di Ippolito de’ Medici: nuovi documenti dall’Archivio Gonzaga” at www.edres.it/ippolito.html (accessed 10 January 2010); cf Interesting in this light is the observation of Pastor, History of the Popes, vol.XI (1923) p.312: “On his liberation (from Castel Sant’Angelo, see footnote 125 above) Accolti at once went to his friend Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga, equally the enemy of Paul III., at his palace in the Via Alessandrina. There he remained till spring of 1536; then with the Pope’s permission, he went to Ferrara, later on to Venice, until finally Cosimo de’ Medici gve him hospitality. Just before the settlement of Accolti’s case his mortal enemy, Cardinal Ippolito de’ Medici, who had left Rome in the beginning of July 1535 died suddenly (August the 19th, 1535) at Itri, Ippolito believed he had been poisoned, and accused the steward of his table of acting at the instigation of Duke Alessandro de’ Medici. The charge does not seem credible; for years the cousins had been at bitter enmity; since the death of Clement VII the palace of Ippolito had been the rallying-point for the refugees from Florence most deeply disaffected towards the tyranny of Alessandro.”
  229. Agostino Spinola (*c.1528 – †18 October 1537); Clement VII made him cardinal on 3 May 1527 was camerlengo from 8 June 1528 until his death.
  230. Judges 9:1-6
  231. Francesco Del Nero (*13 May 1487 – †12 July 1563). Among his connections, his step sister, Marietta, married Niccolò Machiavelli. Francesco was a Florentine bank agent (for Filippo Strozzi). He transferred to Rome where he worked in the papal court he worked as an accountant and Clement VII appointed him general treasurer of the apostolic Camera. He had the practice of keeping two sets of books, the official and the private, most of which were destroyed when Florence city auditors accused him of fraud and the misappropriation of funds. After the death of Clement VII in 1534, the new pope, Paul III refused to accept the loans incurred by Clement, inflicting heavy financial losses on Del Nero. He was stripped of his office and was condemned of fraud, fined (40,000 scudi) and sentenced to imprisonment. The matter did not end there. In a brief of 30 March 1544, Paul III called him to Rome to account for his stewardship as treasurer. It seems that he did not accept the invitation, but seems to have moved back to Rome by 1555, where he died; V. Arrighi, “Del Nero, Francesco”, Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani (accessed 12 January 2010).
  232. Pastor, History of the Popes vol. XI (1923), p.319, footnote 85. Paul III banished Lucrezia Salviati from Rome in 1538 because of a dispute between her and the wife of Paul III’s grandson, Ottavio Farnese, Margherita (*28 December 1522 – †18 January 1586), and daughter of Carlos V. She married Ottavio in Rome on 4 October 1538. On the other hand, Lucrezia Maria Romola de’ Medici (*4 August 1470 – † 10-15 November 1553) was the daughter of Lorenzo de’ Medici and Clarice Orsini. She married Jacopo Salviati on 10 September 1486. She had ten children, the eldest being Giovanni Salviati already mentioned above (see footnote 165). Outling Lucrezia’s pedigree, the following account is given by Benedetto Varchi, Storia Fiorentina, edited by M. Sartorio, Borroni e Scotti, Milano, 1846, (Scelta Collezione di Opere Storiche di tutti i tempi e di tutte le nazione vol.18) Vol. II. p.420: “The daughter of Lorenzo de’ Medici the Elder, the natural sister of Pope Leo and of the Duke of Nemors, the cousin of Pope Clement, the paternal aunt of Cardinal de’ Medici and of Lorenzo the Younger, Duke of Urbino, father of Alessandro Duke of Florence, the mother of Cardinal Salviati, and finally the grandmother of Cosimo, was in her advanced old age dragged from her home by force by the family of the head of the guard, at the orders of pope Paul III (who claimed to do so because of Lady Margherita, the wife of Ottavio his grandson).”
  233. Ben and G35 do not have: her
  234. sbirri
  235. Giacomo Balducci (?) one-time goldsmith in the employ of the papal mint during the time of Paul III; cf Pastor, History of the Popes, vol.XII (1923), p.598
  236. I do not know what this word refers to.
  237. Cesare Trivulzio was bishop of Como from 1527 until his death in 1548.
  238. I cannot be sure as to which Archbishop the letter refers: Ferdinando Annio (De Anna) was Archbishop from 1530 to 1541; then Alfonso Oliva from 1541 until his death in 1544; cardinal Francesco Sfrondato from 27 October 1544 to 1547.
  239. Numbers 16
  240. Numbers 16:31-32; Deuteronomy 11:6; Psalm 106:17
  241. Finalmente: Ben or G35: fintamente
  242. Ben and G35: as the practice with the state of Milan and Siena has proven many times. The remainder of this paragraph is not found in Ben and G35.
  243. Carlos V
  244. Ferrante Gonzaga (*28 January 1507 – †16 November 1557). Closely connected with Carlos V, Ferrante wash hostile to the Farnese ascendency. In 1544 Paul III allowed access to the French army through the Papal States. Then on 26 August 1545 he appointed his son, Pier Luigi, as Duke of Parma and Piacenza, thus alienating the cities from the papal state in favour of his own family. Alarm was roused when rumours circulated in 1547 that Paul III had made an accord with the king of France and was involved in the Fieschi conspiracy in Genoa; cf G. Brunelli, “Gonzaga, Ferrante” in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani (accessed 12 January 2010).
  245. biasmo sempre el scandalizzare; Ben and G35: volle piuttosto abstenersi dalle cose necessarie che scandalizzare: he would prefer to abstain from what is necessary rather than scandalise
  246. ma tu scellerato no ti vergogni; Ben and G35 have impio for scellerato.
  247. Jacopo Cortese (†25 August 1544), brother of Cardinal Gregorio Cortese, lived in Rome for more than forty years and served under three popes, Julius II, Clement VII and Paul III. After a payment of 25,000 scudi he succeeded Pier Paolo Parisio as auditor of the Camera Apostolica after Parisio was made cardinal in December 1539. Jacopo’s considerable wealth enabled him to give a sizable dowry to his daughter, Ersilia (*1 November 1529 -) she was first promised in marriage to Anotnio Fontanella de Calori on 3 December 1536, but the marriage was not concluded. Paul III legitimised her on 23 August 1541. Again she was promised in marriage on 4 November 1542 to Agostino Fregoso, but this marriage did not eventuate. She married Giambattista del Monte on 4 May 1544, thanks to the mediation of his uncle (Giovanni Maria Ciocchi Del Monte, the future Julius III). She was widowed on 25 August the same year. Jacopo accumulated considerable wealth from a large number of benefices, and with this the chagrin of many in Modena against him and his family, who would also squabble interminably with Ersilia concerning the disposition of the inheritance from her father. For Jacopo see Gigliola Fragnito, “Il cardinale Gregorio Cortese (1483?-1548) nella crisi religiosa del Cinquecento” in Benedictina 31(1984) 79-134; 32(1985) 129-171, 417-459, in particolar p.139-142; for Ersilia also see E. Melfi, “Cortese, Ersilia” in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani (accessed 14 January 2010).
  248. This sentence is not in Ben or G35.
  249. This sentence is not in Ben or G35. Paul III’s daughter, Costanza, married Bosio II Sforza, Count of Santa Fiora on 1 November 1518. Costanza and Bosio had eight children, four daughters: Faustina, Francesca, Camilla and Giulia. The brothers were Mario, Sforza, Guido and Alessandro. (www.geneall.net/I/per_page.php?id=38822 (accessed 29 April 2010).
  250. Farnese towns NW of Viterbo near Lake Bolsena.
  251. Or Baldassare Coscia in these Mss; (c.1360-65 – †27 December 1419), he was the antipope John XXII from 17 May 1410 until his deposition in 29 May 1415); J.N.D. Kelly, Oxford Dictionary of Popes, 1986, p.237-239; F, H. Uginet, “GIOVANNI XXIII, antipapa” in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani (accessed 13 January 2010)
  252. siezi; Ben and G35: Giezi
  253. vendere; Ben and G35: rendere
  254. 2 Kings 5:20-27; progenia tua; Ben and G35: famiglia tua
  255. Pier Luigi was appointed to this position in the consistory of 31 January 1537. Under the papal standard he then led the army throughout the papal states to consolidate Farnese interests.
  256. Ben and G35: twenty
  257. a tutte le dame Farnese; Ben and G35 instead have: 18m a Madama et a Sta fiora 8m
  258. Bosio II Sforza, as noted in footnote 122, Paul III’s son-in-law, husband of Costanza.
  259. Paul III’s apprehension about possible immanent incursions or invasion was not without foundation. His concern was shared by many. Each spring and summer, eyes on the Adriatic coast scanned the eastern horizon for unfriendly sails. He strove to intensify the fortifications and garrisons of coastal cities, as well as establish a functional military alliance between Francis I and Carlos V and the Holy See; cf. Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. XI (1923), p.261-296.
  260. i.e. Briefs, decrees, etc.
  261. This sentence is not in Ben and G35.
  262. Ben and G35 instead have: for three years
  263. Not in Ben and G35.
  264. Ben and G35 instead: however since the Turkish armada passed unhindered
  265. Ben and G35: did
  266. preambuli
  267. Francesca Sforza married Girolamo Orsini in October 1537; cf. www.palazzosforzacesarini.it/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=80:articoli-1&catid=43:articoli&Itemid=85 (accessed 14 January 2010); www.geneall.net/I/per_page.php?id=56286 (accessed 14 January 2010).
  268. sotto la fede
  269. See footnote 245.
  270. lo aveva promesso [sic: permesso] per aventura; Ben and G35: vorrà con questa via, per avventura
  271. Ben and G35 have instead: reform of his church
  272. Ben and G35: You are not are that
  273. Ben and G35: you are not ashamed to desire to put into effect and into action
  274. Ben and G35: all those things which Clement was ashamed to do, such as trying to have the state of Milan, which he could have had from the Emperor at Bologna, when Duke Francesco Sforza had it. You by far surpass everyone else in imposing heavy burdens to swallow * the blood of (your) poor subjects to satisfy your strange desires. (* Ben: ingiottirsi; G35: inghiottirsi)
  275. Ben has no reference to Fermo here; G35: poor Perugia (Fermo being unarmed), and Ascanio Colonna
  276. precetto; Ben and G35: peccato
  277. quello de padroni uso li servi; Ben and G36: quello de procedere verso li servi
  278. Ben and G35: he speaks very fully about this
  279. esssendo da cosi manifesta et aperta oppressione; Ben and G35: in cosi aperta et manifesta oppressione
  280. col darli amplissima causa; Ben and G35: per avventura
  281. 1 Kings 12:1-24
  282. Niccolò Ardinghelli (*17 March 1502 – †22 August 1547). In 1541 was papal nuncio to the court of Francis I to conclude peace between Francis I and Carlos V, and to promote the convocation of the general Council; cfr. M. Rosa “Ardinghelli, Niccolò” in the Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani (consultation 15.01.10); also Salvador Miranda, www.fiu.edu/~mirandas/bios1544.htm#Ardinghelli (consultation 15.01.10)
  283. Ben and G35: you do quite well to rebuke
  284. Ben and G35: has
  285. biasmandolo piu volte is not in Ben and G35.
  286. John 18:36
  287. Mark 3:34-35; Matthew 12:46-48
  288. lassar; Ben and G35: bassare
  289. ho malvagio; Ben and G35: huomo malvaggio
  290. et alla polvere inanti al vento does not appear in Ben nor G35.
  291. no sai anchora che de cativi qualunque piano posto in alto seggio; Ben and G35: Non sai ancora che de cattivi oltre che paiano posti in alto seggio
  292. Ben and G35 add here: as you know
  293. Ben and G35 instead: it is necessary that he turn his face
  294. noi [sic]; Ben and G35: voi
  295. Ben, G36, VS469: tanti; G35: santi
  296. egli; Ben and G35: Egli, that is, God.
  297. promessi; Ben and G35: promossi
  298. Ben and G35 read fanciulli (boys) instead of incantatori, & astrologi.
  299. Paul III made Marcello Cervini cardinal on 19 December 1539; see footnote 373.
  300. Luca Gaurico was made bishop of Giffoni in 1539, and Civitate (San Severo) in 1545 until he resigned in 1550; en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luca_Gaurico (accessed 01 May 2010); see footnote 374.
  301. Sermoneta: Giacomo Simonetta (*1475 – †1 November 1539), created cardinal 21 May 1535; Salvador Miranda, www.fiu.edu/~mirandas/bios1535.htm#Simoneta, 1998-2009 (accessed 20 January 2010).
  302. Sanelli; Giacomo Savelli (*1523 – †5 December 1587) became a cardinal at the age of sixteen on 19 December 1539; Salvador Miranda, www.fiu.edu/~mirandas/bios1539.htm#Savelli ,1998-2009 (accessed 20 January 2010).
  303. The brothers Alessandro (see footnote 145) and Ranuccio Farnese (*11 August 1530 – †29 October 1565). Alessandro was made cardinal at the age of fourteen, and Ranuccio was nearly sixteen when Paul III created him cardinal on 16 December 1545; cf. Salvador Miranda, www.fiu.edu/~mirandas/bios1545.htm#Farnese, 1998-2009, (accessed 19 January 2010).
  304. Which Borja? –perhaps Rodrigo Luis de Borja de Castre-Pinos (*1524 – †6 August 1537), created cardinal when twelve years old, on 22 December 1536; and/or Enrique de Borja y Aragon (*19 December 1518 – †16 September 1540), made cardinal 19 December 1539. cf. footnote 358
  305. promesso; Ben and G35: promosso
  306. i.e. of cardinals
  307. et per ostare alli Cardinali vecchi che pensano doppo di te a essere Papi come ancora con nove creazioni cerchi al presenti di fare: only in G36 in VS469.
  308. Gaspare Contarini (*16 October 1483 – †24 August 1542), created cardinal 21 May 1535; cf. Elisabeth G. Gleason, Gasparo Contarini. Venice, Rome and Reform, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1993; Gigliola Fragnito, Gasparo Contarini. Un magistrato veneziano ad servizio della Cristianità, Firenze, Olschki, 1988; Gigliola Fragnito, “Contarini, Gasparo” in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani (accessed 20 January 2010); F. Cavazzana Romanelli (ed.), Gaspare Contarini e il suo tempo, Atti del Convegno, 1-3 Marzo 1985, Edizioni Studium Cattolico Veneziano, 1988; Salvador Miranda, www.fiu.edu/~mirandas/bios1535.htm#Contarini, 1998-2009 (accessed 20 January 2010). Notes on the rumour that Contarini had been poisoned, see Miguel Gotor, “Tradizione inquisitoriale e memoria eterdossa: un cartello di sfida di Bernardino Ochino al Cardinale Carafa (1543-1628)” in Archivio Italiano per la storia della pietà 12(2000)89-142, p.105.
  309. G35 only includes: non
  310. Sambero; Uberto Gambara (*23 January 1489 – †14 February 1549), created cardinal 19 December 1539. His election to the College of Cardinals, given his notorious private life, provoked no small amount of concern. Sergio Pagano, Il cardinal Uberto Gambara Vescovo di Tortona (1485-1549), Firenze, Leo S. Olschki, 1995, especially pp.58-64; Salvador Miranda, www.fiu.edu/~mirandas/bios1539.htm#Savelli, 1998-2009 (accessed 20 January 2010);
  311. Pier Luigi
  312. mutatore; Ben and G35: imitatore
  313. G36 erroneoulsy has mutatore de vitii; where VS469 has imitator de vitij; Ben and G35 also have: tuoi vitii
  314. Ascanio Parisani (*? – † 3 April 1549), made cardinal 19 December 1539; Salvador Miranda, www.fiu.edu/~mirandas/bios1539.htm#Parisani
  315. cinedo publico
  316. Giovanni Vincenzo Acquaviva d’Aragona (*c.1490-95 – † 16 August 1546), made cardinal 2 June 1542
  317. Pierpaolo Parisio (* 1473 – † 11 May 1545), made cardinal 19 December 1539; Salvador Miranda, www.fiu.edu/~mirandas/bios1539.htm#Parisio
  318. Girolamo Ghinucci (*1480 – † 3 July 1541), made cardinal 21 May 1535; M. Di Sivo, “Ghinucci, Girolamo” in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani at www.treccani.it (accessed 21 January 2010); Salvador Miranda, www.fiu.edu/~mirandas/bios1535.htm#Ghinucci (accessed 21 January 2010).
  319. See footnote 302.
  320. Ben and G35 add: e rotto i testamenti ad instantia tua (Ben: sua); Pietro de Accolti de Aretio (*15 March 1455 – † 11 December 1532), created cardinal 10 March 1511; B. Ulianich, “ACCOLTI, Pietro” in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani at www.treccani.it (accessed 21 January 2010); Salvador Miranda, www.fiu.edu/~mirandas/bios1511.htm#Accolti
  321. Giovanni Maria Ciocchi Del Monte (*10 September 1487 – † March 1555); created cardinal 22 December 1536; became Pope Julius III 7 February 1550; G. Brunelli, “Giulio III, papa” in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani (accessed 21 January 2010); Salvador Miranda, ww.fiu.edu/~mirandas/bios1536.htm#Ciocchi (accessed 21 January 2010).
  322. Francesco Sfondrati (*26 October 1493 – † 31 July 1550[?]), made cardinal 19 October 1544; cf. Salvador Miranda, www.fiu.edu/~mirandas/bios1544.htm#Sfondrati (accessed 21 January 2010).
  323. Alexander VI; see footnote 119.
  324. Ben and G36: wants
  325. The discourse of the letter now turns to a kind of litany of particular accusations, allegations and complaints. This section of complaints is significantly longer in Ben and G35, which seem to offer some further examples and more details. Ben and G35 add at this point: I do not want to relate each of you wicked deeds, which are so great and infinite that a would require a longer work. In places chronological and personal details appear to be inaccurate, suggesting a tendency of the author here to report hearsay in an evident enthusiasm to vigorously disparage Paul III.
  326. Presumably the Sanctuary of the Holy House of Loreto.
  327. Instead of the next two sentences, without any mention here of Cardinal Morone, Ben and G35 add here: And a few days ago you showed Nepi such an unfitting indulgence. And you say that you have destroyed the fortifications of others for the benefit of the Apostolic See. And you do not stop doing many such things every day for your family. And the betrayals and poisonings you prepared to do through count Galeotto
  328. con tanti carnefici Corsi: with so many pirate assassins
  329. Conte Galeotto Sogliano – probably to read Count Galeotti da Sogliano (today Sogliano Micca). Ben and G35: conte Galeotti da Sogliano.
  330. Ben and G35 add here:“…and Ringera the doctor from Bologna against Ravenna and others, not content with the evil things you did to them. Since they are prisoners and in the place where the Council is being held, they will testify to the truth, that you brought such harm against the Duke of Florence, especially since their declarations have reached the ears of the emperor. When Sig. Leonido of Sogliano discovered these things, he did not want go along with the wicked actions that you wanted. They brought ruin to his state especially since you murdered him with the help of Pier Luigi, just as you did to the bishop of Pavia with the aid of Cardinal Farnese. You have made a thousand fraudulent purchases for Pier Luigi, making it look like his money to buy from the Camera Apostolica, but the money was from the Castello. And you have displayed such viciousness to Ambrose, whom you murdered cruelly after xxx years of service. And you breached the testament of Gibraleone and of Agnello in order to have the money they left to support pius places in Spain and poor persons. And you do not carry out any punishment out of charity or zeal for justice, but for your interests and gain, as in the fratricide of Antonello Savello done with your knowledge and that of Orsini, as already mentioned; these and the grave crime of Giuliano Cesarino that has remained unpunished by you, all prove the point.”
  331. See footnote 125.
  332. An alternative reading: Savello (as in G35 and Ben).
  333. Pastor identifies the bishop of Pavia as Gia Giacomo de’ Rossi at the time of Paul III’s pontificate in History of the Popes, vol. XI, p.315 and index.
  334. si spesso; Ben and G35: ogni giorno
  335. Ben and G35: you travel all of Italy by messenger
  336. a Parlamento co li Principi; Ben and G35: a Staffetta (by post)
  337. Ben and G35: especially about Farnese property in particular.
  338. Paolo Emilio Cesi (*1481-†5 August 1537). He took part in the consistory which elected Paul III in 1534; cf. Salvador Miranda, www.fiu.edu/~mirandas/bios1517-ii.htm#Cesi (accessed 8 February 2010); F. Petrucci, “Cesi, Paolo Emilio” in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani I (accessed 8 February 2010).
  339. Ben and G35: Pontiff
  340. Clement VII (1523-1534), Julius II(1503-1513), Paul II (1466-1471) and Alexander VI (1492-1503).
  341. Instead of inferiors, Ben and G35 have: i poveri subditi che non ti possano resistere, i.e. poor subjects who cannot stand up to you.
  342. Ben and G36 add: as she wrote to her father. Presumably Pier Luigi’s daughter Vittoria (*1521 – †15 Sept 1602), who, against Paul III’s wishes, married Guidobaldo II della Rovere in Rome on 26 June 1547. Guidobaldo was the widower of Giulia Cybo (†18 Feb 1547), the daughter of Caterina Cybo.
  343. cestoni: baskets. Ben and G35 add here: Et che habbi fatto dare la fede ad alcune persone ricche da tuoi per condurle meglio alla mazza in Castello = You deceived some wealthy persons with your (collaborators) so as to better defraud them in the Castello. The imprecise meaning of da tuoi, as well as the idiom condurre alla mazza (cf. Grande Dizionario della Lingua Italiana, UTET, vol IX, p.697) render this translation of the sentence less certain.
  344. Cosimo I de’ Medici (*12 June 1519 – †21 April 1574), duke of Florence from 30 September 1537 – 21 August 1569. Here Ben and G35 add a long section about the duke:“…whom you seek to falsely calumniate while being unaware that you have the same heresy and your own unfaithfulness against the Christian religion; for as reason dictates, he is at enmity with the friars at San Marco. With a thousand ways and means they never cease to plot against his state. Out of justice you should have corrected them, since that is the office of the true shepherd, but you did not fail to incite them against him, using unusual schemes and by granting them every possible support. These favours, as God would have it, will come back in prejudice to you and to your family, for you have no reason to do this, whether justifiable or false. It is only because of the painful contrast made between that young, secular prince, one who respected justice, and yourself. This is so stark, that just like vibrant joy compared to a vile act, your wicked and treacherous actions against every kind of person stand out more sharply. You are the epitome of ingratitude, no slower to forget benefits received than ready take vengeance for offenses received, and which you never banish from your mind.”
  345. Frederico II Gonzaga (*17 May 1500 – †28 August 1540), duke of Mantua from 1530-1540 when he was succeeded by his son Francesco III, duke from 1540-1550.
  346. Ercole II d’Este (*5 April 1508 – †3 October 1559), duke of Ferrara 1534-1559.
  347. The widow was Claudia Colonna, wife of Napoleone Orsini. He was assassinated by his half-brother Girolamo near the Porta Laterana in Rome in 1533. Abbot of the Abbey of San Salvatore from 1519, Napoleone left the clerical state to take up his position as first-born to his father’s inheritance. Clement VII confiscated his feudal titles, and he was declared rebellious towards the Church on 26 June 1530. Their father was Gian Giordano Orsini, count of Tagliacozzo. He married Napoleone’s mother, Maria Cecilia d’Aragona, the legitimised natural daughter of Ferdinando I, Re di Napoli, on 10 November 1493. Girolamo’s mother, on the other hand, was Felice della Rovere, the legitimised daughter of Popw Julius II. She married Orsini in Rome on 25 May 1506. Napoleone was the maternal cousin of Giovanna d’Aragona, sister-in-law of Vittoria Colonna.
  348. cavallo di Falaride or Brazen Bull
  349. lance spezate di Farnese
  350. The Holy Roman Emperor, Carlos V.
  351. This sentence is not in Ben and G35.
  352. Ben and G35 add: in the consistory
  353. The brothers Agapito and Stefano Colonna were created cardinals on 18 September 1378. Both had died within two the next two years.
  354. G36 and VS469: the Princes against the infidels; Ben and G35: the king of Scotland the the king of France against England.
  355. Agostino Trivulzio (*c.1485 – †30 March 1548). “He had not obtained permission from the pope to make his testament and the pontiff inherited all his possessions”; Salvador Miranda, Cardinals of the Holy Catholic Church, www.fiu.edu/~mirandas/bios1517-ii.htm#Trivulzio2 (accessed 11 February 2010).
  356. Pietro Lippomano succeeded Gianmatteo Giberti (Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. XI, p.508)and was bishop of Verona from 1544 – 1548 (it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diocesi_di_Verona) or from 30 December 1543; A. Koller, “Lippomano, Luigi (Aloisio, Alvise)” in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani at www.treccani.it (accessed 12 February 2010). He died in Edinburgh castle in July or August 1548.
  357. This meaning of this sentence is partially unclear: che cosi sollennemente habbi oltraggiato el Vescovo di Verona morto in Scotia nelli servitii della sede apostolica togliendoli quel segretario, che egli haveva confidato, nella vita dell’Arcivescovo di Firenza, per morte sua. After Giulio de’ Medici (later to become Clement VII 19 November 1523) the next Archbishop of Florence was Antonio Altoviti (*19 July 1521 – †28 December 1573). His appointment by Paul III was not accepted by Cosimo de’ Medici until 1567. During the time of Paul III, he remained in Rome, Paul III’s secretary at one point in time.The passage “You violated the will of Trivulzio ….to be Archbishop of Florence” is not included in Ben and G35, which have the following instead:“You acted wickedly when you created St. Giacomo Spagnuolo cardinal. You said that you should do it at the insistance of Madama, since she was in Siena and would leave there otherwise to marry Ottavio unless you pleased her with this, and which is the true way to create Cardinals. Twice, and against the will of God, you have renewed in the church that infamous seed of Pope Alexander by making cardinals from that family. In all your actions you have degraded reason and crowned desire. You wish to uphold vocal confession, and then from among the Zoccolanti you chose an uneducated and deaf confessor so that he would not hear and rebuke you wicked misdeeds, since you know from experience what happended to you with the Cardinal of Aracoeli.”The Cardinal of St. Giacomo or Compostella, Pedro Sarmiento (*ca. 1478 – †13 October 1541) was created cardinal in the consistory of 18 October 1538, followed with Juan Alvarez de Toledo, Bishop of Burgos on 20 December 1538, for the sake of Carlos V (cf. Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. XI, 1923, p.182, 315). Madama, Marguerite of Austria, illegitimate daughter of Carlos V then married Paul III’s grandson, Ottavio, on 4 November 1538. As Miranda notes, “The emperor and his daughter, Margarita of Austria, who had married Ottavio Farnese, nephew of the pope, requested Archbishop Sarmiento’s promotion to the cardinalate.” www.fiu.edu/~mirandas/bios1538.htm#Sarmiento, (accessed 20 March 2010)]. As for the experience with the Cardinal of Aracoeli, see footnote 172. The cardinals Paul III created from the Borja family were Rodrigo Luis (or Lodovico) de Borja Y De Castre-Pinós, (*1524 – †6 August 1537, created cardinal 22 December 1536), and Enrique de Borja Y Aragón, (*19 December 1518 – †16 September 1540, created cardinal19 December 1539); see footnote 305.
  358. Alessandro Vitelli (1500-1554) marquis of Cetona, was a condottiere often in the employ of Paul III; see www.condottieridiventura.it/condottieri (accessed 23 March 2010).
  359. Allemagna or Germany, in the Schmalkald War against the Duke of Saxony, Johann Friedrich I (*30 June 1503 – †3 March 1554), was leader of the Protestant Confederation of Germany (the Schmalkaldic League); on the presence of Vitelli see, Francesco Sansovino, Origini e fatti delle famiglie illustri d’Italia, Combi & La Noù, Venetia, 1670, p.74-75. Vitelli led troops under Carlos V in for several months in 1546 and 1547. See www.condottieridiventura.it/condottieri (accessed 23 March 2010).
  360. Giulio Cybo Malaspina was beheaded in Milano on 18 May 1548, F. Petrucci, “Cibo Malaspina, Giulio” in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani at www.treccani.it (accessed 12 February 2010)
  361. Perhaps referring to the architect Giovanni Mangone involved in the construction of the fortifications of Rome in 1542 and other building projects (Pastor, History of the Popes, vol.XII, p.557, 574 n.2, 602); A. Ghisetti Giavarina, “Mangone, Giovanni” in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani at www.treccani.it (accessed 12 February 2010).
  362. Something of a literary figure, Ermete Stampa was bishop of Novara from 20 December 1525 until his death in 1526. His successor was Giovanni Angelo Arcimboldi, bishop of Novara from 2 March 1526 until 19 March 1550.
  363. Giovanni Gaetano (*1210-1220 – 22 August 1280) of the Orsini family was elected pope 25 November 1277 and consecrated 26 December. Because of the charge of simony, Dante places Nicholas III in Hell (Inferno 19,61+). Instead of this instance, Ben and G35 and cite another: You stripped Holy Spirit hospital and the Apostolic Camera of all their castles and gave them to Pier Luigi.
  364. Ben and G35 make an extra allegation at this point:“The prince of Solomone can bear this out. You made great promises to him against Ascanio Colonna, having him then spend a great deal of money in Rome. Then you were completely false in keeping your promises. In this way you unwisely left your heritage rich in things but very poor in good will.”
  365. On Paul III’s capacity for carnival, see Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. XI, pp. 349-358
  366. Stefano Colonna (*last decade of 1400’s – † 8 March 1548); F. Petrucci, “Colonna, Stefano” in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani at www.treccani.it (accessed 24 March 2010).
  367. Paul III’s daughter and eldest child, see footnotes 120 and 250.
  368. I begin a new paragraph here to correspond with the change in theme. After alleging Paul III’s political misdeeds, the rest of the letter centres of accusations of astrology and divination. The letter gives this matter much more treatment than any of political accusations. The letter uses this issue to prove that Christian princes should depose Paul III.
  369. Baldassarro Coscia; or John XXIII, antipope 17 May 1410 – 29 May 1415; (*1370 -†22 November 1419). Ben and G35 do not make this comparison.
  370. 1 Kings 12:25-33; 1 Kings 14:9; 1 Kings 14:16, etc.
  371. Perhaps a reference to 1 Kings 22:24-28, where Ahab has Micaiah imprisoned, not Zedekiah.
  372. Marcello Cervini (*6 May 1501 – † 1 May 1555). Born in Montepulciano he studied astronomy, mathematics, architecture and archaeology in the University of Siena. He was created cardinal on 19 December 1539, and cardinal of Santa Croce in Gerusalemme 5 November 1540. He was elected Pope on 8 April 1555.
  373. Luca Gaurico. Pastor offers this opinion: “A painful impression (of Paul III’s pontificate), moreover, is produced by the circumstance that he was addicted, after an evil custom of the day, to consulting astrologers as to the propitious hour before entering on any transaction of importance, consistories, audiences, journeys, and so forth.” Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. XI, p.38-39, see p.38 fn 4 for a lengthy elaboration, where Gaurico receives particular mention, and is described as ‘loaded with honours.’ F. Bacchelli, “Gaurico, Luca” in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani at www.treccani.it (accessed 15 February 2010); for a bibliography of Gaurico’s works on astrology, see Ugo Baldini and Leen Spruit, Catholic Church and Modern Science, Vol.I: Sixteenth-Century Documents, Libreria Editrice Vaticana, Roma, 2009, tome 4, Appendix, pp.3154-3155 (bibliography); Index of Names, pp.3307; also Pierluigi Pizzamiglio, L’astrologia in Italia app’epoca di Galileo Galilei (1550-1650). Rassegna storico-critica dei documenti library custoditi nella Biblioteca “Carlo Viganò”, Vita e Pensiero, Brescia, 2004, p.14-16.
  374. Perhaps Tomás de Torres or Rui Faleiro.
  375. Paris Ceresaro: Paride da Ceresara, called Tricasso, or Patrizio Tricasso de Cerasaro (*10 February 1466 – †1532); Francesca Romana de’Angelis, “Ceresara, Paride, detto Tricasso” in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani at www.treccani.it (accessed 24 March 2010); He published works on chiromancy (palmistry) in 1522 and 1525; see Ugo Baldini and Leen Spruit, Catholic Church and Modern Science, Vol.I: Sixteenth-Century Documents, Libreria Editrice Vaticana, Roma, 2009, vol.I, tome I, p.570, footnote 402 (where his date of death is given as 1532); bibliography of his works, vol.I, tome 4, p.3203.
  376. Agostino Recuperati was Master General of the Order of Preachers 1539-1540.
  377. astrology
  378. Mention of this episode is not found in Ben and G35. After the assassination of Pier Luigi in 1547, Ottavio was appointed gonfaloniere during the following consistory.
  379. Punti: “angles” (?) The angles are the four Cardinal points of an astrological chart: the Ascendant, the Midheaven, the Descendant and the Imum Coeli (en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Angle_(astrology) [as on 16.02.2010]; perhaps ‘points in the heavens.’
  380. egiptiaca
  381. G36 repeats the obvious error of SV469 here: Christiano; Ben and G35: Cristo
  382. scrittura
  383. Perhaps the dictionary descriptions (Zanichelli: Zingarelli 2005) are adequate. incubi: from a combination of the Latin word ‘in’ for ‘over’ or ‘above’, and ‘cubare’ meaning ‘to lie upon’; the term refers to the evil spirit who was believed to lie on a sleeping person. succubi: in Christian demonology a demon who assumes a deceptive female form to have sexual intercourse with a wizard or someone possessed. The passage – which exist in that art … the incubi and succubi demons – is not in Ben and G35.
  384. Nicholas of Lyra (1270-1340), a Franciscan theologian and commentator upon the Scriptures, his major work being his Postillae perpetuae in universam S. Scripturam, first printed in Rome in 1471.
  385. Ben and G35: S. Mattia. I have relied on the rendition in these transcriptions to gather the meaning of the text found in G36 and SV469; Acts 1,26.
  386. This sentence is not in Ben and G35.
  387. Cf. Matthew 20,1-16
  388. Manicheo as in Manichaeism, with its conflict between two principles in the cosmos – good and light, versus evil and matter; “like Mani” is not found in Ben and G35.
  389. ma cio dice; Ben and G35: ma cio dico
  390. Maleficos non patieris vivere (Vulgate [1592]) Exodus 22,18
  391. Ben and G35 add: in the prophecy of Balaam
  392. Ben, G35, G36 and VS469: perche si manifesti al mondo di quanta autorità tu debbi essere massimamente per il scandalo publico, etc. An object to the verb essere appears to be missing.
  393. particularmente, Ben and G35: specialmente
  394. Jacopo o Giacomo Giovanbattista Nacchianti, or in its Latin form Iacopo Naclantius (*Firenze, 15 October 1502 – † Chioggia, 24 April 1569); a Dominican Friar, and professor of theology in Perugia since 1541, he was bishop of Chioggia from 1544 until his death. He participated in the council of Trent; cf. en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Giacomo_Nacchiante (accessed 29 April 2010).
  395. Bernardino Callini O.F.M, bishop of Segni from 10 January 1541 until his resignation on 12 July 1549. cfr. Pastor, History of the Popes, vol.XII, p. 591 n.8
  396. This clause is not found in Ben and G35.
  397. Again, the dignity as bishop of Rome.
  398. “and sorcerers” is not found in Ben and G35
  399. Apollonius Tyaneus (*c.15 – †c.100 AD); en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Apollonius_Tyaneus (accessed 16 February 2010).
  400. Apuleius or Lucius Apuleius (*125 – † c.180). In his Apologia he defended himself against the accusation of using magic. From Madaurus he is not to be confused with the Roman, Lucius Apuleius Saturninus.
  401. This sentence is not found in Ben and G35.
  402. Isaiah 14:13-14
  403. Isaiah 41:23 – Vulgate [1592]: Adnuntiate quae venutura sunt in futurum, et sciemus quis dii estis vos.
  404. G36 and VS469: Phitonessa; Ben and G35: Pitonessa. “The witch of En-Dor” [1 Samuel 28,4-19]. The New Jerusalem Bible: necromancer; NRSV: medium. The Vulgate [1592] on the other hand shows the origin of the term used in the Ms: “Dixitque Saul servis suis: Quaerite mihi mulierem habentem pythonem, et vadam ad eam et sciscitabor per illam. Et dixerunt servi eius ad eum: Est mulier pythonem habens in Endor” (v.7); Pythonessa is sometimes used as a proper name for a woman soothsayer. ‘Pytho, pythonis’, from Later Latin, is ‘a familiar spirit, the daemon possessing a soothsayer’ (Lewis and Short). Pytho, as in snake, derives from an alternative name for Delphi, and ‘ultimately is connected with the title of the prophetess of the Delphic Oracle, Gk. pythia hiereia, from Pythios, an epithet of Apollo, from Pytho, older name of the region of Delphi.’ (www.etymonline.com/index.php)
  405. Here the copyist repeats a line from the exemplar: secondo la openione di alcuni di Samuel, & come Lino narra di alcuni di Samuel, & come Lino narra di Simone Mago… In this sentence I have followed the more correct rendition in G36.
  406. Linus, bishop of Rome, and Simon Magus. They still occasion unresolvable polemical sword play. Cfr Acts 8,9-24 as well as other early Christian writers, see en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Simon_Magus (accessed 16 February 2010).
  407. G36 and VS469: talmente; Ben and G35: falsamente
  408. Matthew 4,8-10; Luke 4,5-7
  409. Matthew 4,10
  410. See footnote 371. Here Ben and G35: quella donna; G36 and VS469: Phijtonessa. In the story Ahab asks her to raise the spirit of Samuel.
  411. 2 Kings 1, 2. Ahaziah’s parents were Ahab and Jezebel.
  412. 2 Kings 21, 6; here magi, & Phitonj (Vulgate [1592]: Et exstruxit altaria universae militiae caeli in duobus atriis templi Domini et traduxit filium suum per ignem et ariolatus est et observavit auguria et fecit pythones et aruspices multiplicavit. NRSV: He built altars for all the host of heaven in the two courts of the house of the Lord. He made his son pass through fire; he practiced soothsaying and augury, and dealt with mediums and with wizards. He did much evil in the sight of the Lord, provoking him to anger. New Jerusalem: He built altars to the whole array of heaven in the two courts of the Temple of Yahweh. He caused his son to pass through the fire of sacrifice, he also practised soothsaying and divination and set up mediums and spirit guides.
  413. 2 Kings 18,1-8
  414. 2 Kings 23,24-25
  415. Luke 22,31-32
  416. Ephesians 6,11-12
  417. 1 Peter 5,8
  418. Perhaps a reference to Revelations 12,12
  419. See footnote 376.
  420. The previous sentences are not in Ben and G35. I find this passage – “Believe me … for these offenses” – difficult to translate with confidence: credilo à me che ciò fia [sic] p riserbarti l’alto et imortale Iddio à maggior punitione: il qual retarda el supplitio, p maggior gravezza della vendetta, ne sarà buona scusa, alli tuoi, il volere far morire, le tante offese fatte ad altrui, co’ la psona tua sapendosi molto ben, che eglino sonno alla maggior parte della colpa di esse.
  421. 1 John 5,16
  422. Matthew 12,31; Mark 3,29
  423. VS469: Ms originally has secondo, which another hand has corrected to secolo.
  424. 1 Samuel 28,3.19
  425. Romans 13,1-7
  426. Both G35 and VS469. Should read XXII, as in Ben and G36, and Exodus.
  427. Ben and G36: XXIII, as in Vulgate [1592] and the Douay-Rheims, Exodus 32, 28: quasi viginti tria milia hominum. Modern translations have about three thousand, in accord with the Vulgate of 405: quasi tria milia hominum [Jerome’s Latin Vulgate (405 A.D.) at www.speedbible.com/vulgate/B02C032.htm (accessed 19 February 2010).]
  428. 1 Kings 2,27
  429. 1 Kings 2,35
  430. On Michelangelo’s Sistine Chapel fresco done in the time of Paul III, see Pastor, History of the Popes, vol.XII, pp.609-615. Begun no earlier than May 1536, the work was unveiled on 31 October 1541. On the mixed reaction to the finished work, including ‘hostile criticism’ to its nudity, pp. 613-614.
  431. Federico Fregoso or Campofegoso (*c.1480 – †22 July 1541). He died in Gubbio and is buried in the cathedral, where he was bishop from 1508 until his death. Paul III created him cardinal on 19 December 1539, a contentious group of cardinals for the author of this letter. He had refused the honour three years earlier. He and Vittoria Colonna were first cousins, their mothers were sisters. He was the only cardinal to defend Contarini’s efforts in Regensburg in the stormy consistory of 27-28 May 1541. On his way back to Gubbio he visited Vittoria, staying with the nuns at Viterbo at the time. Giampiero Brunelli, “Fregoso, Federico” in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani at www.treccani.it (accessed 19 February 2010); Salvador Miranda, Cardinals of the Holy Catholic Church at www.fiu.edu/~mirandas/bios1539.htm#Fregoso (accessed on 19 February 2010).
  432. i.e. that the authority of a general council is above that of the Pope.
  433. Carlos V, Holy Roman Emperor
  434. G36: avediti; VS: avedjti (with the dj added by another hand.)
  435. Literally, “when he did not think he was offended by you” or “when he did not see himself offended by you.”
  436. This address to the Emperor is missing from Ben and G35.
  437. G36 and VS469: compare; Ben and G35: comporre